scholarly journals Inventing International Students: Exploring Discourses in International Student Policy Talk, 1945 –75

Author(s):  
Dale M. McCartney

After the Second World War, Canadian parliamentarians showed growing interest in international students coming to Canada. The students became the subject of policy talk, which was shaped by powerful discourses emerging from the larger historical context. From 1945 to 1969, international students were seen as worthy recipients of Canadian aid, an idea that was premised on the belief that they were temporary visitors to Canada who would return to their home countries with both the skills they learned in Canadian schools and with an overall good- will towards Canada, a valuable commodity in the Cold War context. But after the Sir George Williams University affair of 1969, parliamentarians’ tone changed, and international student policy talk became suffused with discourses of fear and danger. In the years after 1969, international students were imagined as both politically and economically dangerous, an attitude that emerged as a reaction to student protest, but also re ected worries among some policymakers that Canada’s changing immigration system, and its move away from primarily Europeans sources for immigrants, was a threat to the stability of Canadian culture.RésuméAprès la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les parlementaires canadiens ont montré un intérêt crois- sant pour la venue au pays d’étudiants internationaux. Ces derniers devinrent un sujet de discussions politiques qui donna lieu à des discours émouvants alimentés par un vaste contexte historique. De 1945 à 1969, les étudiants internationaux étaient vus comme des récipiendaires dignes de l’aide canadienne. Cette idée s’appuyait sur l’impression qu’ils étaient des résidents temporaires au Canada et qu’ils retourneraient dans leur pays non seulement avec les com- pétences acquises dans les établissements d’enseignement, mais qu’ils af cheraient aussi leur bienveillance envers le Canada, une valeur inestimable dans un contexte de Guerre froide. Cependant, après l’affaire de l’Université Sir George Williams, en 1969, le ton des parlemen- taires canadiens a changé. Les discussions politiques sur les étudiants internationaux furent teintées par des idées de peur et d’appréhension. Après 1969, on imagina les étudiants inter- nationaux comme dangereux sur les plans politique et économique. Cette attitude fut une réaction aux protestations étudiantes, mais re était également les préoccupations de certains politiciens face aux changements du système d’immigration qui ne privilégiait plus les étu- diants venus d’Europe, ce qui présentait une menace à la culture canadienne. 

2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
RENÉ LEMARCHAND

AbstractConsidering the scale of violence that has accompanied the crisis in eastern Congo, the avalanche of academic writings on the subject is hardly surprising. Whether it helps us better understand the region's tortured history is a matter of opinion. This critical article grapples with the contributions of the recent literature on what has been described as the deadliest conflict since the Second World War. The aim, in brief, is to reflect on the historical context of the crisis, examine its relation to the politics of neighboring states, identify and assess the theoretical vantage points from which it has been approached, and, in conclusion, sketch out promising new directions for further research by social scientists. A unifying question that runs throughout the recent literature on the eastern Congo is how might a functioning state be restored or how might civil society organizations serve as alternatives to such a state – but there is little unanimity in the answers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 196-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaëlle Fisher

This article is part of the special cluster titled Bukovina and Bukovinians after the Second World War: (Re)shaping and (re)thinking a region after genocide and ‘ethnic unmixing’, guest edited by Gaëlle Fisher and Maren Röger. Over the course of the 1990s, the region of Bukovina, once the easternmost province of the Austrian half of the Habsburg Empire, gained unprecedented visibility abroad. This was the case in German-language space in particular. There, Bukovina became the subject of newspaper articles, books, films, and exhibitions; travel and tourism to the area developed; political agreements and partnerships were even established between German or Austrian and “Bukovinian” regions. These initiatives, across “East and West,” across the former Iron Curtain, were meant to bridge the former divide. But many were based on proclaimed historical and cultural connections: as the widespread slogan read, Bukovina “returned to Europe.” In the process, historical Bukovina, by then split between Romania and a newly independent Ukraine, was not so much rediscovered as resurrected, reconstructed, and reinvented on the basis of existing ideas and assumptions. This raises a range of questions: why Bukovina, why in these countries, and why then? In this article, I identify different groups of actors, trends, and phases in the popular resurgence of Bukovina after 1989–1991 and highlight their origins, differences, and interactions. By tracing the activities and narratives of some of the key actors of the reinvention of the region after 1989–1991, this article explores the tensions between visions of the past and visions of the future in Germany, Austria, and Europe after 1989. It thereby also contributes to a critical reflection on the meaning of the wider “return to Europe” of Central and Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 129-165
Author(s):  
Natalia Jakubowska

Domaniów is a small town in the Oławski region in Lower Silesia. After the Second World War a large group of former residents of Usznia, a small village in the Eastern Borderlands of the Second Polish Republic, settled down in Domaniów. The author presents the accounts of five people who participated in the relocation process. The memories also include the time of their childhood and teenage years. The interviewees described how they remembered their family village, the most significant events from the time of war (German and Russian occupation), the preparation for relocation and the journey to the West – into the unknown. The accounts also show why Domaniów, which was known as Domajewice at that time, was selected as the settlement place, how it looked and what were the relationships with the Germans who still lived there. The author also describes the culture and traditions brought from the East and how they are continued to this day. The memories were set in a historical context based on the subject literature and archival materials.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2006 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-152
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

Hendrik Draye, opponent of the carrying out of the death penaltyIn this annotated and extensively contextualised source edition, Luc Vandeweyer deals with the period of repression after the Second World War. In June 1948, after the execution of two hundred collaboration-suspects in Belgium, the relatively young linguistics professor at the Catholic University of Leuven, Hendrik Draye, proposed, on humanitarian grounds, a Manifesto against the carrying out of the death penalty. Some colleagues, as well as some influential personalities outside the university, reacted positively; some colleagues were rather hesitant; most of them rejected the text. In the end, the initiative foundered because of the emphatic dissuasion by the head of university, who wanted to protect his university and, arguably, the young professor Draeye. The general public’s demand for revenge had not yet abated by then; moreover, the unstable government at that time planned a reorientation of the penal policy, which made a polarization undesirable. Nevertheless, Luc Vandeweyer concludes, "the opportunity for an important debate on the subject had been missed".


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Mark Joll

Abstract This article explores how scholarship can be put to work by specialists penning evidence-based policies seeking peaceful resolutions to long-standing, complex, and so-far intractable conflict in the Malay-Muslim dominated provinces of South Thailand. I contend that more is required than mere empirical data, and that the existing analysis of this conflict often lacks theoretical ballast and overlooks the wider historical context in which Bangkok pursued policies impacting its ethnolinguistically, and ethnoreligiously diverse citizens. I demonstrate the utility of both interacting with what social theorists have written about what “religion” and language do—and do not—have in common, and the relative importance of both in sub-national conflicts, and comparative historical analysis. The case studies that this article critically introduces compare chapters of ethnolinguistic and ethnoreligious chauvinism against a range of minorities, including Malay-Muslim citizens concentrated in the southern provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat. These include Buddhist ethnolinguistic minorities in Thailand’s Northeast, and Catholic communities during the second world war widely referred to as the high tide of Thai ethno-nationalism. I argue that these revealing aspects of the southern Malay experience need to be contextualized—even de-exceptionalized.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31
Author(s):  
Fabio Massaccesi

Abstract This contribution intends to draw attention to one of the most significant monuments of medieval Ravenna: the church of Santa Maria in Porto Fuori, which was destroyed during the Second World War. Until now, scholars have focused on the pictorial cycle known through photographs and attributed to the painter Pietro da Rimini. However, the architecture of the building has not been the subject of systematic studies. For the first time, this essay reconstructs the fourteenth-century architectural structure of the church, the apse of which was rebuilt by 1314. The data that led to the virtual restitution of the choir and the related rood screen are the basis for new reflections on the accesses to the apse area, on the pilgrimage flows, and on the view of the frescoes.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
PERTTI AHONEN

This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.


2007 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Skinner

As the pioneering generation of postwar British academics retired, some produced autobiographical texts which revealed the personal circumstances and intellectual influences that brought them to the study of Africa. Edited volumes have also provided broader reflections on the academic disciplines, methodologies, and institutions through which these scholars engaged with the continent. In one such text, Christopher Clapham and Richard Hodder-Williams noted the special relationship between extramural studies (also known as university adult education) and the academic study of Africa's mass nationalist movements:The impetus for this study came to a remarkable degree from a tiny group of men and women who pioneered university extra-mural studies in the Gold Coast immediately after the [Second World War], and to a significant extent established the parameters for subsequent study of the subject [African politics]. Gathered together under the aegis of Thomas Hodgkin […], they were led by David Kimble […], and included among the tutors Dennis Austin, Lalage Bown and Bill Tordoff, all of whom were to play a major role in African studies in the United Kingdom over the next forty years.


Author(s):  
Andrew I. Port

The ‘long 1950s’ was a decade of conspicuous contrasts: a time of dismantling and reconstruction, economic and political, as well as cultural and moral; a time of Americanization and Sovietization; a time of upheaval amid a desperate search for stability. But above all, it was a time for both forgetting and coming to terms with the recent past. This article focuses on the two forms of government that controlled Germany, democracy, and dictatorship. The Cold War was without doubt the main reason for the rapid rehabilitation and integration of the two German states, which more or less took place within a decade following the end of the Second World War. This article further elaborates upon the political conditions under dictatorship and its effect on the social life. East Germany, under the Soviet control underwent as much political upheaval. It was not until the second half of the twentieth century that Germany became a democracy.


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