scholarly journals Sanctions as a Socio-Political Factor of International Cooperation (on the Example of the Influence of Modern Russian-German Relations on the International System)

Discourse ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
A. P. Nagdaseva

Introduction. The research work defines the current significance of international sanctions, examines the types of sanctions, the goals of their imposition and the consequences for the international system. As an example, anti-Russian sanctions and retaliatory measures are being analyzed, as well as their influence on relations between the states. In the study an assessment of the development of Russian-German cooperation in various fields before and after the imposition of sanctions is given.Methodology and sources. Such research methods as analysis, synthesis, comparison, statistical methods are used in the research work. Import-export relations between Russia and Germany are analyzed in the paper.Results and discussion. Russia incurs heavy losses from sanctions compared to the European Union. Anti-Russian sanctions do not contribute to the development of free international trade. The European Union is having difficulty maintaining transatlantic economic relations. The imposition of US extraterritorial sanctions is detrimental to German and other European companies. Both European countries and Russia have internal problems, which are aggravated by the sanctions confrontation.Conclusion. Despite all the existing problems and obstacles that stand in the way of bilateral relations, there are positive trends in them. Russia and Germany, in general, have adapted to the sanctions regime. Anti-Russian sanctions will probably not be lifted in the short term.

World Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 183 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-269
Author(s):  
Pavlo Klimkin ◽  
Andreas Umland

Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all, an alternative way to decrease Ukraine’s current institutional isolation is to develop more intense bilateral relations with friendly states across the globe, including Germany and the United States. In Eastern Europe, moreover, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova should attempt to create new multilateral networks with post-communist member countries of NATO as well as the EU, and try to become part of such structures as the Three Seas Initiative or Bucharest Nine group.


F1000Research ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Atsuko Higashino

This paper considers how the three sets of bilateral relations, between the European Union (EU) and Japan, the EU and Turkey, and Turkey and Japan, have developed (or been underdeveloped) and how the three have failed to form a strategic triangle that could potentially be beneficial for dealing with regional and international problems more efficiently. One of the main arguments is that, although all three sides of this triangle have developed significant economic relationships, their political relationships are less consolidated. Such a phenomenon is largely illustrated by the following three elements of this triangle: a deteriorated relationship between the EU and Turkey, an underutilised relationship between Japan and the EU, and an extant relationship between Japan and Turkey. This paper analyses the elements that have impeded or continue to hinder constructive political dialogue. It concludes that the potential for improvement in the three sets of bilateral relations is slight, in the short term, with Japan, in particular, finding it increasingly difficult to strike a good balance between developing the relationship with the EU while maintaining historical ties with Turkey.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Yasin Yildirim ◽  
◽  
Rabia Üzumcü ◽  

History of Euro-Arab relations is full of with troubled, tragic, stressed but also optimistic and sanguine occasions. Through the ages, people of the Europe and the Middle East have lived together and interacted, by trading, negotiating, and conquering each other. Within the framework of constantly developing international law, diplomacy and universal respect rules, however, the spirit of cooperation and partnership has started to be lived and strengthened between two civilizations. In this sense, two regional organizations, the European Union, and the Gulf Cooperation Council are coming forward with their unique institutional characteristics. In last 3 decades, these two organizations succeeded many remarkable missions, created highly profitable economic relations, practiced very valuable commercial interacts, and harvested significant acquisitions from each other’s political, and economic backgrounds. However, mentioning about the creation of a complete alliance is impossible. Due to many obstacles and even sometimes due to preferential choices; the two actors could/did not unlock their potentials for a fully-fledged cooperation and collaboration processes. Therefore, the nature of the bilateral relations between Europe and Gulf has taken a highly eccentric and strange shape which is both powerful and concrete, and also weak and intangible. Nonetheless, despite of all drawbacks and unknown points; it is possible to anticipate more positive and brighter implications in the future and to be optimistic about the tomorrow of the relations between the parties, because of the necessity of comprehensive cooperation. In this paper, the relations between parties will be analysed with their positive and negative aspects under the context international cooperation by focusing legal treaties between them and other platforms that parties met.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1980-1996
Author(s):  
T.S. Malakhova

Subject. Foreign economic and trade ties among countries are getting tighter and less predictable in the early 21st century. This directly stems from a growing disparity of partners, especially if it goes about their future cooperation as part of integration groups or international organizations. Communities of experts suggest using various approaches to locally adjusting integration phases, especially implementing the two-speed integration in the European Union. Objectives. The study is an attempt to examine an improvement of foreign economic cooperation and suggest its implementation steps for the European Union. This all is due to considerable inner controversies and problems within the EU, which grow more serious year by year. Methods. The methodological framework comprises the historical logic, dialectical principles, scientific abstraction method. The process and system approach was especially important for justifying the implementation of the above steps. It was used to examine foreign economic relations of partners in the European Union. Results. The article sets forth the theoretical and methodological framework for the geostrategic economic bloc, including a conceptual structure model. I present steps to implement a foreign economic cooperation of partners in the EU in terms of its form. Conclusions and Relevance. Should the form of the foreign economic relations among the EU countries be implemented, counties at the periphery of the EU will be able to become active parties to the integration group.


Author(s):  
Carlota Rigotti ◽  
Júlia Zomignani Barboza

Abstract The return of foreign fighters and their families to the European Union has mostly been considered a security threat by member States, which consequently adopt repressive measures aimed at providing an immediate, short-term response to this perceived threat. In addition to this strong-arm approach, reintegration strategies have also been used to prevent returnees from falling back into terrorism and to break down barriers of hostility between citizens in the long term. Amidst these different strategies, this paper seeks to identify which methods are most desirable for handling returnees.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 3265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anca Mehedintu ◽  
Georgeta Soava ◽  
Mihaela Sterpu

In this paper we study the evolution of remittances and risk of poverty threshold for nine emerging countries in the European Union and analyzed the evolution and trend of the share of remittances in the risk of poverty threshold. The analysis was performed on data taken from the Eurostat database for the period 2005–2017. The statistical analysis of the data showed that the evolution of both remittances and risk of poverty threshold was heavily influenced by the global economic crisis. Although after the crisis, the risk of poverty threshold has seen a growing trend in all emerging countries, the remittances have experienced sinuous variations, dramatic declines for some of the countries (drastically for Romania and Latvia) and significant increases for others (Hungary). The results of the analysis using time-dependent regression models lead to the conclusion that, although the share of remittances in risk of poverty threshold diminished abruptly after the 2009 economic crisis, in the short term it is expected to maintain a growth trend for most of the analyzed countries (Bulgaria, Czechia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia), followed downward tendency after 2018 for Bulgaria and Romania, and after 2020 for Hungary and Lithuania. For Latvia and Estonia, both quadratic and cubic models estimate a decreasing evolution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 42-48
Author(s):  
S. V. ZAYTSEV ◽  

In March 2018 the European Commission presented a proposal to adopt a digital services tax (DST) on certain types of revenues of multinational digital Companies. The purpose of the digital services tax is to compensate in the short term for the low level of corporate taxation of these companies in the European Union and thus meet the urgent need of civil society for greater tax fairness. DST is presented as an indirect tax on turnover and is often compared to value-added tax (VAT). In this article, the author seeks to highlight the many differences that exist between the harmonized European Union VAT and the new DST. In addition, the author challenges the idea that the DST will actually be an indirect tax and, most importantly, that it will effectively increase tax justice in the European Union.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Biba

Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.


Author(s):  
K. Gylka

The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The population is 508 million people, 24 official and working languages and about 150 regional and minority languages. The origins of the European Union come from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), consisting of six states in 1951 - Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. These countries came together to put an end to the wars that devastated the European continent, and they agreed to share control over the natural resources needed for war (coal and steel). The founding members of ECSC have determined that this European project will not only be developed in order to share resources or to prevent various conflicts in the region. Thus, the Rome Treaty of 1957 created the European Economic Community (EEC), which strengthened the political and economic relations between the six founding states. The relevance of the topic stems from their desire of peoples and countries to live better. The purpose of the study is to identify the internal and external development mechanisms of European countries and, on this basis, to formulate a model of economic, legislative and social development for individual countries. The results of the study provide a practical guideline for determining the vector of the direction of efforts of political, economic, legislative, humanitarian, etc.


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