scholarly journals TRADISI PENULISAN HASYIYAH DI DUNIA ISLAM

ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
IRFAN SALIM

In the historical development of Islamic knowledge, there was one interesting and unique tradition, i.e. the tradition of writing by giving annotation toward a previous work, and then this annotation was annotated again by another author. The work that became a main source or reference, which was called matn, then was annotated in the farm of syarh, and this syarh, then, was given explanation, which was called hasyiyah or faotnotes to put the sources or detail explanation on main of syarh that were not included in the main text. There was also hamisy in the annotation. The function of hamisy was similar to the hasyiyah. While the hamisy was put in the flanks or borders of the book, the hasyiyah (footnotes) was put on the bottom of pages in a smaller fant of letters. However, if the annotation was considered too long, the other ulama summarize it in the farm of mukhtashar. It seems that these writing systems had been conducted from the fall of Islamic civilization until the twentieth century. One factor that caused this condition was the intellectual ignorance because of various external factors in the political process and political structure in that period so that it influenced the intellectual of some Muslim thinkers at the moment. They viewed that knowledge or science was finished, and what thry could do was to understand what had been inherited by previous generations. kaywords: hasyiyah, syarh, ta'liq  

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
William G. Vanderbok

The bureaucratization of the political process that characterizes twentieth century politics in many countries has not bypassed Canada—as evidenced by skyrocketing rates of government employment and expenditure and, even more dramatically, by the ever-expanding policy-making power of Canadian bureaucracy. One observer sees the civil service as occupying an increasingly strategic role in Canadian politics, a condition thatreflects in part the expanding role of modern government into highly technical areas, which tends to augment the discretion of permanent officials because legislators are obliged to delegate to them the administration of complex affairs, including the responsibility for drafting and adjudicating great amounts of sub-legislation required to “fill in the details” of the necessarily broad, organic statutes passed by Parliament. Some indication of the scale of such discretion is found in the fact that, during the period 1963–8, an annual average of 4,130 Orders-in-Council were passed in Ottawa, a substantial proportion of which provided for delegating authority to prescribe rules and regulations to ministers and their permanent advisers. By contrast, the number of laws passed annually by Canadian federal parliaments is rarely over one hundred.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 2489-2498
Author(s):  
Rakesh Kumar

Political participation entails citizens’ engagement to exert influence on the political process and policies in a desired direction. Therein, participation of the youth has significance as a transient yet constantly receiving community with potential to shape the course of history in any society. The activities and functions of youth organizations have been pivotal in effecting changes in the twentieth century Asian socio-political and economic realms. Under the similar circumstances, the People’s Republic of China appears to be continuously evolving its social, economic, political and cultural regimes in response to the fluctuating demands of the citizens and the youth. This Essay fathoms changes in political participations of the youth in China, its implication on the Communist Youth League and how the Communist Youth League responds in the era of Market Economy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1219-1234 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Woods

The author explores the place of animals in rural politics. Recognising that rurality is socially constructed by its participants, he examines how animals are represented in constructs of the rural and in political debates arising from contests between conflicting constructs. In particular, two case studies are discussed—one concerning an attempt to ban staghunting on public-owned land in Somerset; the other concerning the so-called ‘BSE crisis' in Britain in 1996. In both cases representations of animals are mobilised in support of discourses of rurality and nature and particular political objectives. Yet, although animals are central to these debates, they are also voiceless and powerless and remain marginalised from the political process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Tushnet

The idea of rights has been central to U.S. political and constitutional discourse from the beginning. The Declaration of Independence appealed to “inalienable rights,” and the first amendments to the Constitution were universally described as a bill of rights. Yet, something distinctive appears to have happened to the idea of rights over the course of the twentieth century. By the end of the century, rights-claims were being asserted in locations, such as schools and prisons, where they had not been found at the century's beginning, and they were being asserted on behalf of claimants, such as fetuses and new arrivals to the United States, who were outside the domain of rights earlier. Even the content of rights-claims changed. Much of the Warren Court's work completed a constitutional agenda outlined, albeit unclearly, in the 1940s and early 1950s as part of the New Deal's constitutional vindication. The Warren Court added something new—an emphasis on personal autonomy—to the New Deal's concerns for fairness in the political process.


Significance A range of parties, old and new, are battling for the attention of two broad electoral constituencies, one inclined towards Europe, and the other looking east to Russia. Moscow has a clear interest in its Socialist allies winning, but that outcome is uncertain. Impacts Perceptions that the political process (regardless of victors) is controlled by oligarchs will dampen investor interest. The EU is already concerned about some of its notional allies in government but would prefer a pro-Western to a pro-Moscow government. The longer-term drift, economic and ultimately political, is towards the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (24) ◽  
pp. 159-172
Author(s):  
Nikolai A. Khrenov ◽  

This article is a fragment of a series of publications by the author on the relationship between the three civilizations that largely determine the fate of the world today, namely, America, Russia, and China. The subject of the study is civilizational identity, which is formed by both internal and external factors. Internal factors should include the key events that took place in the history of each civilization, determining both the mentality of the people and their collective identity. External factors include the pressure exerted by the values of other civilizations, especially those claiming leadership in modern history. There is a concept of the «Other» in contemporary philosophy. The article also examines the interaction between civilizations according to the principle of the «Other». It is clear that going beyond Westernization in the early twentieth century and not being the leader of world history, although the historical archetype of «Third Rome» seemed to oblige the country to play this role, with the revolution of 1917 giving grounds for this, Russia has experienced a long period of transition in the twentieth century. Nowadays, in the situation when China is claiming to play the role of a new world leader, Russia has started thinking of its Eurasian roots more often. As for China, enchanted by Marxism, it also underwent a long period of transition in the twentieth century, during which relations between Russia and China became more complicated, although it seems that Marx's ideas and the idea of socialism should have contributed to their becoming closer. By now, the conflicts between Russia and China seem to have been resolved. For some time now, the idea of Russian émigré thinkers, who called themselves Eurasianists, has become the new political course. In all likelihood, the rise of China cannot but affect the transformation of the civilizational identity of today's Russia. Thus, the question once asked by the Russian thinker P. Chaadayev has become relevant again – which supercivilization is Russia closer to: the West or the East. The author attempts to examine this psychological transformation unfolding in Russia through the prism of cinema, analyzing Russian, American, and Chinese films in this, as well as in the previous and subsequent publications in this journal.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Marshall

The analysis of British political institutions in the twentieth century has not emerged solely from the writing of textbooks by political scientists. The genesis of general thinking about the government of the United Kingdom is to a lesser degree the product of professional reflection than is the development of theories about comparative government. It evolves more directly from the political process itself and from the controversies about government that government itself generates. This chapter discusses the powers of Parliament, the nature of cabinet government, the accountability of ministers, the dignified institutions, the re-modelling of Dicey’s institution, political institutions and public inquiry, and theory and analysis in political institutions.


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