scholarly journals When attack meets debate. Presence of conflict in the framing of the 2018 and 2021 Mexican federal elections

2022 ◽  
Vol 2022 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Carlos Muñiz ◽  

During election campaigns the mass media favor political debate, giving relevant issues a particular framing. In this coverage the use of the conflict frame stands out, and although it usually presents politics as an exercise of confrontation and attack, it can also show it as a process of discussion and the exchange of opinions. A content analysis was conducted on television and press news during the 2018 presidential and the 2021 federal legislative elections in Mexico. The findings confirm the existence of two differentiated frames, that of “conflict” and that of “discussion and political agreement”. Furthermore, a connection between the two frames was detected in the media coverage of the campaigns.

BMJ Open ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. e023485
Author(s):  
Caroline Louise Miller ◽  
Aimee Lee Brownbill ◽  
Joanne Dono ◽  
Kerry Ettridge

ObjectivesIn 2012, Australia was the first country in the world to introduce plain or standardised tobacco packaging, coupled with larger graphic health warnings. This policy was fiercely opposed by industry. Media coverage can be an influential contributor to public debate, and both public health advocates and industry sought media coverage for their positions. The aim of this study was to measure the print media coverage of Australian’s plain packaging laws, from inception to roll-out, in major Australian newspapers.MethodsThis study monitored mainstream Australian print media (17 newspapers) coverage of the plain packaging policy debate and implementation, over a 7-year period from January 2008 to December 2014. Articles (n=701) were coded for article type, opinion slant and topic(s).DesignContent analysis.ResultsCoverage of plain packaging was low during preimplementation phase (2008–2009), increasing sharply in the lead into legislative processes and diminished substantially after implementation. Articles covered policy rationale, policy progress and industry arguments. Of the news articles, 96% were neutrally framed. Of the editorials, 55% were supportive, 28% were opposing, 12% were neutral and 5% were mixed.ConclusionsProtracted political debate, reflected in the media, led to an implementation delay of plain packaging. While Australian media provided comprehensive coverage of industry arguments, news coverage was largely neutral, whereas editorials were mostly supportive or neutral of the policy. Countries seeking to implement plain packaging of tobacco should not be deterred by the volume of news coverage, but should actively promote the evidence for plain packaging in the media to counteract the arguments of the tobacco industry.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Coelho Bezerra ◽  
Carolina Christoph Grillo

RESUMO Com referência à eclosão de protestos no Brasil desde junho de 2013, este trabalho analisa o modo como a violência deflagrada durante as manifestações é narrada pela grande mídia e coletivos midiativistas, atentando-se para os interesses expressos nas narrações dos fatos. Constatamos que a imprensa corporativa tende a não problematizar a violência policial e a enfatizar a atuação de “vândalos”, ao passo que os midialivristas costumam culpar a polícia pela ocorrência de confrontos e representar positivamente as ações associadas à tática Black Bloc. O texto apresenta uma descrição analítica da guerra de narrativas travada por estes dois segmentos do jornalismo.Palavras-chave: Mídia; Midiativismo; Violência; Manifestações; Polícia.ABSTRACT Regarding the outbreak of protests in Brazil since June 2013, this paper analyses how violence unleashed during demonstrations is narrated by the mass media and mediactivist collectives, focusing on the interests expressed in the narration of facts. We found that corporative press tends to take police violence as unproblematic and to emphasize the actions of so-called “vandals”, while mediactivists usually blame police for the emergence of clashes and positively represent actions associated to the Black Bloc tactics. The text presents an analytical description of the war of narratives fought between these two segments of journalism.Keywords: Media; Mediactivism; Violence; Protests; Police.


Author(s):  
Rudianto Rudianto

In every presidential election event, the neutrality of the mass media is always a controversy. This happens in any country, including Indonesia.It is interesting to see how online mass media in Indonesia discourse political events after the 2014 presidential election. With the power of speed in presenting news, online media such as detik.com, kompas.com, vivanews.co.id are competing to present their frames on political events that took place.  The focus of this article's study is on online mass media coverage of political events that occurred after the 2014 presidential election. The study was conducted with content analysis of five online media, namely detik.com, kompas.com, okezone.com and republika.co.id. The conclusion obtained is the post-2014 presidential election media discourse, especially after the voting on 9 July 2014, generally revolves around the quick count results of the survey institution's version and the winning claims of each candidate. The mass media, especially detik.com, kompas.com and vivanews.com, compile a discourse with a tendency to take sides with one of the pairs based on the results of the survey institute's quick count.


Author(s):  
Subir Sinha

COVID-19 is the cause of the greatest pandemic of the century that affects almost every nation of our globe. In India, mass media has played a significant role in this pandemic situation. The media coverage revealed fearlessly the condition of COVID-19 and provides a pictorial view of the situation in front of the readers and viewers. The main objectives of these fearless journalistic works were to provide the public valuable authentic information, create awareness among the public, eliminate fake propaganda and fake news, highlight the problem face by the ordinary public, and to provide the government a medium to speak with the public for the public interest. Mass media served as a vital weapon to fight against COVID-19. The valuable information and instructions provided by mass media created awareness among the public and which played a major role to deescalate the graphical representation of active COVID-19 cases. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the dogmatic approaches of the mass media in the pandemic situation have recalled the concept of media as the third pillar of democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (04) ◽  
pp. A02
Author(s):  
Lena Jelinski ◽  
Katrin Etzrodt ◽  
Sven Engesser

When, to what extent and under what conditions autonomous driving will become common practice depends not only on the level of technical development but also on social acceptance. Therefore, the rapid development of autonomous driving systems raises the question of how the public perceives this technology. As the mass media are regarded as the main source of information for the lay audience, the news coverage is assumed to affect public opinion. The mass media are also frequently criticized for their inaccurate and biased news coverage. Against this backdrop, we conducted a content analysis of the news coverage of autonomous driving in five leading German newspapers. Findings show that media reporting on autonomous driving is not very detailed. They also indicate a slight positive bias in the balance of arguments and tonality. However, as soon as an accident involving an autonomous vehicle occurs, the frequency of reporting, as well as the extent of negativity and detail increase. We conclude that well-informed public opinion requires more differentiated reporting — irrespective of accidents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Feri Ferdinan Alamsyah ◽  
Diana Amaliasari ◽  
Imani Satriani

The purpose of this study was to find out the characteristics of students in the city of Bogor which is a mass media audience, and to know the relation between the level of audience trust in the news in the mass media and the culture of comparing information. This study uses descriptive quantitative correlational methods. The population in this study were students who enrolled in the city of Bogor, determining the sample using incidental sampling technique. The results showed that the characteristics of the mass media audience in this study were students who were dominated by women with a ratio of 61.2 percent with 38.8 percent. Generally they (61.9 percent) are between 19 and 21 years old. Their purchasing power or pocket money a month is worth Rp. 500,000-1,000,000 with a total of 49.3 percent. Students who become respondents in this study are dominated by students from level 4 or students who study between the 7th and 8th semesters, that is, 50 percent. They generally (69.4 percent) have a cumulative index (GPA) 4. In the essence of the news indicator with knowledge, attention, and interpretation there is a real and significant relationship with a positive direction. While indicators of communicators or news deliverers with knowledge, attention, and interpretation there is no relationship, meaning that respondents do not care about the identity of the source of information they receive. Indicators of the number of news with knowledge and interpretation there is a real and very significant relationship with the direction of the relationship that is in the same direction or positive. However, there is no relationship between the amount of news and student attention in the media coverage.  Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengetahui karakteristik mahasiswa di Kota Bogor yang merupakan khalayak media massa, dan mengetahui relasi tingkat kepercayaan khalayak terhadap pemberitaan di media massa dengan budaya membandingkan informasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kuantitatif korelasional. Populasi dalam penelitian ini adalah mahasiswa yang berkuliah di Kota Bogor, penentuan sampel menggunakan teknik incidental sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa karakteristik khalayak media massa dalam penelitian ini adalah mahasiswa yang didominasi oleh kalangan perempuan dengan perbandingan 61,2 persen dengan 38,8 persen. Umumnya mereka (61,9 persen) berusia antara 19 hingga 21 tahun. Daya beli atau uang saku mereka perbulan rata-rata senilai Rp. 500.000-1.000.000 dengan jumlah 49,3 persen. Mahasiswa yang menjadi responden dalam penelitian ini didominasi oleh mahasiswa dari tingkat 4 atau mahasiswa yang berkuliah di antara semester 7 dan 8, yakni sejumlah 50 persen. Mereka umumnya (69,4 persen) mempunyai indeks prestasi kumulatif (IPK) 4. Pada indikator esensi berita dengan pengetahuan, perhatian, dan penafsiran terdapat hubungan yang nyata dan signifikan dengan arah yang positif. Sementara indikator Komunikator atau penyampai berita dengan pengetahuan, perhatian, dan penafsiran tidak terdapat hubungan, artinya responden tidak peduli dengan indentitas sumber informasi yang mereka terima. Indikator jumlah berita dengan pengetahuan dan penafsiran terdapat hubungan yang nyata dan sangat signifikan dengan arah hubungan yang searah atau positif. Namun, antara jumlah berita dengan perhatian mahasiswa dalam pemberitaan di media massa tidak terdapat hubungan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Marianne Paimre

The article analyses the discussion of cannabis regulation in the Estonian media. In the past five years, there has been a noticeable shift in discussion of drug policies in some Western countries and regions (the US, Canada, Latin America, etc.) from a punitive focus towards a more liberal approach. The Global Commission on Drug Policy recommends that countries put an end to civil and criminal penalties for drug use and possession. In this context, the article examines how the Estonian press has reacted to the situation. Which approach to cannabis (continuing to ban it vs. advocating legalisation) prevails in opinion pieces? What are the main arguments both for and against its legalisation? The media could play a prominent role in determining public opinion about illicit drugs and shaping relevant public policies. Hence, the author looks also at how the coverage has changed over time. A content analysis of 57 opinion articles, editorials, comments, interviews, and summaries of public speeches was carried out to study the political debate surrounding cannabis in 2009 and 2015, both years in which it was high on the media agenda. The content analysis was complemented by the method of close reading. The findings indicate that press coverage of cannabis has become more tolerant towards ‘softer’ drug policies. The chorus of ‘voices’ has become more complex, which reflects development of the drug-politics discourse. While the 2009 debate was launched by pro-legalisation lawyers and the discussion involved various professional experts (among them medical doctors, lawyers, and specialists in drug prevention), cannabis more often made headlines in 2015 because of work by civil activists, columnists, writers, etc. A strong dichotomy between traditional law-enforcement discourse and cannabis-legalisation and harm-reduction discourses has emerged. The author expresses the opinion that a shift in the global drug-policy debate alongside softened media coverage may pave the way for changes in the national drug policy. 


Author(s):  
Anna Milyukova ◽  
Alla Vladimirovna Kovaleva ◽  
Ekaterina Vladimirovna Valyulina

The subject of research is quantitative and qualitative characteristics of representation of the issue of Pan-Turkism in the Mass Media. The authors study two trends of development of the Pan-Turkism ideas: on the other hand, marginalization, on the other hand - actualization, which corresponds with the periods of crises (wars, epidemics, political crises). As an alternative to separatist movements, the authors name the increase of the role of transborder cooperation in the context of Eurasian integration with the help of the Eurasian Economic Union, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Community, and the project of transborder regional cooperation Big Altai. The purpose of the research is to characterise the main media trends of presentation of the Pan-Turkism issue in the Mass Media. The authors demonstrate the assessment of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of media coverage of the ideas of Pan-Turkism (the dynamics of referring; the activity of media in the number of messages and mediaindex, the level, categories, genres, the most remarkable newsworthy events; the role of international social, religious, educational organizations; the position of countries, regions, public figures, government and social organizations and institutions in the media coverage of the Pan-Turkism ideas). The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the context of references to the Pan-Turkism ideas in the media, as well as the media trends in this field which are being formed, almost haven’t been studied. The main conclusions of the research are about the information agenda, formed mainly by the Russian federal Internet media, aimed at the coverage of the Pan-Turkism issues. The most active in the formation of the Pan-Turkism agenda are the Russian pro-government and pro-Armenian media. Turkey, Armenia, Syria, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh have a negative image in the media materials in the context of Pan-Turkism. Russia, the U.S., China. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, as well as such political figures as Recep Erdoğan, Vladimir Putin, Ilham Aliyev and Nikol Vovayi Pashinyan are referred to in a positive context.   


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