scholarly journals Proces narodne sprave in vloga politične elite v njem: Slovenija kot izjema med državami srednje in vzhodne Evrope

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2021) (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Kleindienst ◽  
Matevž Tomšič
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Primary Reason ◽  
National Reconstruction ◽  
National Reconciliation

The fundamental purpose of national reconciliation derives from recognition of the special nature of a human being, which makes them outstanding and excellent. Transitional justice processes have the main goal of achieving national reconciliation, which is connected with ensuring the highest possible realisation of human dignity. In this regard, Slovenia finds itself in a paradoxical position. Although usually perceived a successful former communist country, its process of introducing transitional justice was unsuccessful. This means the national reconstruction was not achieved in any meaningful way. The article deals with this paradox. The authors claim that the political elite plays a key role in the (non)implementation of transitional justice and hence has a decisive impact on national reconciliation. Accordingly, the primary reason for the lack of success of the national reconciliation is due to the reproduction of the elite and the ideological hegemony of the transitional left.

Somali National Reconciliation

2019 ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Abdurahman Abdullahi “Baadiyow”
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Participatory Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Governance Practices ◽  
National Reconciliation

This chapter redefines the Somali conflict by refuting Somali exceptionalism and the approach based solely on clan. Instead, it argues that the genesis of hostilities is the state–society conflict that, as a consequence, has generated a violent power struggle among the political elite. In turn, this political elite power struggle has provoked political clannism and Islamism: the two indigenous ideologies. These conflicts have been generated sequentially as a result of state–society conflict, and must be addressed as part of a four-part process of reconciliation. The chapter also recommends a ten-point programme of reconciliation, which gradually realizes good governance practices and comprehensive elite and clan reconciliation. Moreover, it proposes a participatory approach and prudent synthesis of modernity and tradition.

scholarly journals How do Members of Parliament View the Public Value of Public Service Media? The Case of Latvia

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Inta Brikše ◽  
Ieva Beitika
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Public Value ◽  
The Public ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Public Media

Abstract The Development of public media in Latvia as a post-communist country has essentially been influenced by politicians. The political community has had consensus that certain reforms are necessary to ensure the development of public media given the changes in the communication space and its role in the facilitation of the strengthening of democracy, yet during the last fifteen years the political elite has not been able to come to a common agreement and to make decisions on systemic reforming and the development of public media. Since the communication environment has changed post digitalisation of television, the question about public media development and legitimisation has become increasingly topical. The aim of the study is to explore how the members of the parliament of Latvia (Saeima) position public service media (PSM) in Latvia and assess the public value of PSM. The theoretical framework for the research is based on the concept of public value „strategic triangle” (Benington & Moore 2011), which consists of three main elements: public value outcomes, the authorising environment and operational capacity. The study is based on qualitative research methods including 18 semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the Saeima in 2012 and 2013. The acquired data has been analysed by the principles of thematic analysis (Attride-Stirling 2001). Analysis of the interviews show that members of the Saeima recognise the need for public media to be independent whilst at the same time supporting a model in which public media is not supposed to have independent funding and they will continue competing with commercial media in the advertising market. High competition and resentment are characteristic features of the political elite in Latvia that apparently would also in future hamper the making of such decisions about public media that will facilitate their high-quality. Results of the research show the tendency for members of parliament to lack the necessary knowledge to formulate their opinion and to modulate relations of public media with society and their place in the overall media system in Latvia.

Political elite and peacebuilding mechanisms in post-conflict societies

2019 ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Walied Salim Mohammed
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Long Range ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Short Range ◽  
Social Consciousness ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Socio Economic Development

The research discusses the mechanisms that could change fragile peace, achieved after conflict in unstable societies, into sustainable one. This process will not be achieved if the political elite doesn't have a sufficient political and social consciousness that enables it to manage conflict and transfer it into peace, consequently, seeking to promote peace foundations through adopting two types of strategies. First, short-range strategies, related to transitional justice, tolerance, reconciliation, and compensation. Second, long-range strategies, related to re-engineering political culture of society and achieving socio-economic development, besides the integration among different groups, a matter that means dedicating and sustaining peace.

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

PaReSoGo: Dataset on party representation of social groups for 25 countries, 2002–2016

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dissimilarity Index ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Measure Representation ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
The Masses

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.

Political corruption in Zimbabwe: News media, audiences and deliberative democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 174165902110224
Author(s):  
Mthokozisi Phathisani Ndhlovu ◽  
Phillip Santos
Keyword(s):  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
News Media ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Audiences ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Ruling Party

Even though corruption by politicians and in politics is widespread worldwide, it is more pronounced in developing countries, such as Zimbabwe, where members of the political elite overtly abuse power for personal accumulation of wealth. Ideally, the news media, as watchdogs, are expected to investigate and report such abuses of power. However, previous studies in Zimbabwe highlight the news media’s polarised and normative inefficacies. Informed by the theoretical notion of deliberative democracy developed via Habermas and Dahlgren’s work and Hall’s Encoding, Decoding Model, this article uses qualitative content analysis to examine how online readers of Zimbabwe’s two leading daily publications, The Herald and NewsDay, interpreted and evaluated allegations of corruption leveled against ministers and deputy ministers during the height of factionalism in the ruling party (ZANU PF). The article argues that interaction between mainstream media and their audiences online shows the latter’s resourcefulness and, at least, discursive agency in their engagement with narratives about political corruption, itself an imperative premise for future political action.

Populism From Below and Social Movements: A Case of Zimbabwe’s #ThisFlag Movement

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110345
Author(s):  
Theophilus Tinashe Nenjerama ◽  
Shepherd Mpofu
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Digital Ethnography ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Analyse Data

This study examines a new wave of populisms arising in the digital era using Pastor Evan Mawarire’s #ThisFlag movement: What are they, and how do they express themselves? How does the hegemony react to them? Non-mainstream, digitally born movements, especially in dictatorships, are dismissed by the political elite as ill-mannered disruptors whose political interventions are detrimental. To analyse the cleric’s populism and its meaning to the Zimbabwean body politic, we use three specific themes: (a) personality and influence of movement leader(s); (b) populist communication and messaging; and (c) recreating an involved citizenry. We used digital ethnography to gather and analyse data.

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