scholarly journals Does the Arab spring wave affect outward foreign direct investment (FDI)? Empirical evidence from the Mideast and North Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-430
Author(s):  
Aymen Hraiba ◽  
Mehmed Ganić ◽  
Azra Branković

The paper aims to empirically explore the impact of the Arabic Spring on the outflow of FDI in twelve selected countries in the North Africa region (Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Egypt and Mauritania) and the Mideast region (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Lebanon, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates). The paper employs a panel data approach to exploit the time series nature of the relationship between FDI Outwards and its determinants (the market size, trade openness, government effectiveness, inflation and three dummy variables related to the Arab Spring) between 2000 and 2016. The findings revealed that the impact of the Arab Spring estimator is negatively correlated with FDI Outflows in the countries that witnessed the Arab Spring. It implies that conflicts and instability negatively affect FDI outflows. The findings of this study reveal that countries that have been affected by the Arab Spring directly (the North Africa region) experienced a greater decline of FDI outflows than countries that have been indirectly affected (the Mideast region). When the sample is restricted to North Africa it is shown that the FDI outflows may be influenced by the post Arab Spring effect, while there is no such statistically significant effect in the Mideast region. Thus, the study finds that FDI outflows in the North African countries are more determined by the effects of Arabic Spring countries than in the Mideastern countries.

Author(s):  
Yu. Zinin

The article considers a place and influence of Berber-speaking communities in each of five countries of the North Africa: Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Mauritania and Tunis.After gaining the independence, demands are growing in all these states to recognize cultural, regional, and sometimes political peculiarities of Berbers.The situation in every country is different due to local conditions and background of interactions of Amazigs (self-designation of Berber) with the Arab speaking majority, as well as their participation in political processes.The author investigates and discuss the impact of the Arab Spring on the rise of self-consciousness, solidarity and consolidation of Amazig minority. It is Berber, often European educated elite which usually expresses and propagates such conceptions and trends.


Biology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 373
Author(s):  
Salih Djilali ◽  
Lahbib Benahmadi ◽  
Abdessamad Tridane ◽  
Khadija Niri

In this paper, we study a mathematical model investigating the impact of unreported cases of the COVID-19 in three North African countries: Algeria, Egypt, and Morocco. To understand how the population respects the restriction of population mobility implemented in each country, we use Google and Apple’s mobility reports. These mobility reports help to quantify the effect of the population movement restrictions on the evolution of the active infection cases. We also approximate the number of the population infected unreported, the proportion of those that need hospitalization, and estimate the end of the epidemic wave. Moreover, we use our model to estimate the second wave of the COVID-19 Algeria and Morocco and to project the end of the second wave. Finally, we suggest some additional measures that can be considered to reduce the burden of the COVID-19 and would lead to a second wave of the spread of the virus in these countries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amel Ahmed ◽  
Giovanni Capoccia

This paper proposes and illustrates a framework for analysis of the recent events in Middle Eastern and North African countries (the so-called Arab Spring) by bringing into dialogue recent theoretical advances in democratization theory with the comparative-historical literature on the political development of the MENA region. We advocate two analytical shifts from conventional approaches in the analysis of the Arab Spring: first, reconsider the temporalities of democratization processes; second, focus on struggles over specific institutional arenas rather than over the regime as a whole. The former recommendation draws attention both to the strategies used by key actors in the political, economic, and civil society spheres, and to the historical legacies that built the influence and resources of these actors over time. The latter allows us to consider the institutional safeguards for old elites that are likely to be included in the post-authoritarian regimes emerging in the region. Even though some of these safeguards are clearly anti-democratic, historical examples show that they do not necessarily preclude democratization. Indeed, in some cases, their introduction might be necessary to achieve democratic openings in other arenas. We illustrate these theoretical points with reference to the case of Egypt.


Author(s):  
Arhan S. Ertan ◽  
Ahmed M. Musabeh

North Africa is considered to be one of the wealthiest areas of the continent thanks to its natural resources and strategic geopolitical location. While the region is generating about one-third of Africa's total GDP, its economic indicators are not presenting a bright picture for North African countries. This chapter attempts to provide an in-depth overview of the investment environment and shed light on the main constraints on foreign direct investment (FDI) in each of the North African countries. The authors focus on contemporary trends in FDI and policies regarding human capital promotion and infrastructure development. The descriptive analysis indicates that the volume of FDI in the North Africa region is still weak compared to international flows to other developing regions. This outcome can be associated, in addition to unattractive FDI policies, with the absence of real economic and financial reforms, persistent political instability, lack of technological readiness, inadequate regulatory and institutional framework, high corruption and inefficient bureaucracy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 431-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aylin Güney ◽  
Nazif Mandacı

This article critically analyses Turkish security discourses connected to the meta-geography of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) before and after the developments of the Arab Spring. A critical geopolitics approach and critical security theories in international relations provide the theoretical framework, as security discourses are considered to be a product of geopolitical imaginations and codes that, in turn, shape the making of foreign and security policies. First, the article examines the invention of BMENA as a meta-geography within Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination, as well as the new geopolitical codes underlying the new security discourses. Then, the article assesses the impact of the Arab Spring, which led to major changes in Turkey’s newly established geopolitical codes, formulated in the pre-Arab Spring period, and analyses the ruptures and continuities in Turkey’s security discourses in the light of those developments. Finally, the article concludes that the Arab Spring, especially the Syrian crisis, shifted the focus of Turkey’s foreign policy in BMENA from cooperation to conflict. This has led to a resecuritization of Turkey’s geopolitical codes, discourses and security practices in the region, revealing the limitation of Turkey’s current geopolitical imagination.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e59962
Author(s):  
Ana Beatriz Da Costa Mangueira ◽  
Filipe Reis Melo

Este artigo analisa como a Espanha securitizou fluxos migratórios irregulares do Norte da África na primeira década dos anos 2000. Esse processo realizou-se com medidas de segurança nas fronteiras, especialmente nas regiões de Ceuta e Melila. Por outro lado, os governos espanhóis ao longo daquela década reavivaram acordos firmados com os africanos ainda nos anos 1990 para readmissão de migrantes e para admissão de indivíduos no mercado de trabalho espanhol. A relação entre Espanha e países africanos foi contraditória, pois enquanto se buscava conter as migrações indesejadas, pretendia-se usar a mão de obra estrangeira para reduzir os custos trabalhistas. Essas contradições são influenciadas pela presença da União Europeia que delibera e atua na temática de migrações na região, um assunto que tem sido um dos principais interesses da agenda de segurança europeia nos últimos anos. Palavras-Chave: Espanha. Fluxos migratórios. Norte da África. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses how Spain securitized irregular migratory flows from North Africa in the 2000s first decade. This process was carried out by security actions at the borders, specially at Ceuta and Melilla regions. On other hand, over the years of 2000s Spanish governments renewed agreements that were signed with Africans in the 1990s to foster readmission of migrants and promote the admission of individuals to the Spanish labor market. Furthermore, the relationship between Spain and African countries was inconsistent due to the fact that at the moment which the contention of unwanted migration was the focus, it was intended to use foreign labor to reduce labor costs. These contradictions are influenced by the presence of the European Union, which deliberates and acts on the issue of migration in the region, a subject that has been one of the main interests of the European security agenda in recent years. Keywords: Spain. Migration flows. North Africa. Recebido em: 24 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 01 out. 2021.


2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-93
Author(s):  
Michihiro Nohara

Summary Since the end of the sixties, numerous Japanese contractors have been active in heavy industry work in Algeria and other North African countries. This has opened a large market for Japanese-French liaison interpreters. Such interpreters are hired by specialized agencies in Europe and Japan. With one or two exceptions, they are Japanese nationals. Most of them are young and have no previous experience as interpreters. Neither are they properly briefed before they are sent to the site, but they become proficient in their work with experience. Their tasks range from interpreting at various levels to translation and even participation in negotiations and report drafting. Material working conditions are comparatively good, but the duration of contracts is short and long-term stability of employment is uncertain. The precariousness of interpreting jobs and the temporary nature of the Japanese companies' contracting work in North Africa make this activity a provisional and highly volatile one. Japanese liaison interpreters in North Africa do not feel like professional interpreters and do not aspire to become professionals.


Subject EU's migration policies towards North Africa. Significance A common European vision for migration management has gradually emerged that relies on third countries in North Africa and elsewhere to handle most aspects of migration management on the EU’s behalf. Impacts The Joint Declaration with Morocco on June 27 may provide the model for closer migration cooperation with other countries. North African countries will develop more securitised borders and stronger legal frameworks to deal with migration and asylum issues. Sahelian countries are also likely to be part of this EU strategy.


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