scholarly journals Japanese Princesses in Chicago: Representations of Japanese Women in the San Francisco Chronicle and Chicago Tribune (1872)

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-65
Author(s):  
Aurore Yamagata-Montoya
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Japanese Women ◽  
Social Position ◽  
Chicago Tribune ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Press ◽  
American Media ◽  
Unequal Treaties

In December 1871, the Iwakura Mission was sent by the Meiji government to the US and Europe. One of the aims of the mission was the observation of foreign practices and technologies. If Japan wanted to suppress the Unequal Treaties and be considered a “first rank nation”, it had to adopt the “civilized” manners and rules of North America and Europe (Nish, 1998). Five Japanese girls, aged six to sixteen accompanied the Mission to be educated in the US for a ten-year period. Their presence didn’t go unnoticed by the American Press, and the articles reporting on their stay provided an opportunity to bring up broader themes on Japanese women and Japan. The five girls were the first women to officially represent Japan in the US. Identified by the American media as “Japanese Princesses”, their reception was confronted with the American image and understanding of Japan. This article analyses the representations of the five girls, and of Japanese women in general, in the San Francisco Chronicle and the Chicago Tribune during the two months that the Iwakura Mission travelled eastward from San Francisco to Washington, via Chicago. I identify and analyse the recurring tropes: the girls’ social position, the craze they created among the Americans, their beauty, the exoticism of their kimono, the education they will receive in America. The newspapers’ representation of the girls are full of inaccuracies and mistakes, myths and exoticism. Nonetheless, the representations are overwhelmingly positive and the girls – as well as the whole of the Mission’s members – are warmly welcomed by the American press.

Metaphorical Representation of Migration in the US Media Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
О. Полонская ◽  
O. Polonskaya
Keyword(s):  
Media Discourse ◽  
Natural Phenomena ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Press ◽  
American Media ◽  
American Society ◽  
Linguistic Material

This study focuses on the metaphorical features of migration representation in the American press. According to the cognitive approach on which our research is based, the metaphor is an important phenomenon in understanding the surrounding reality. The study of linguistic material and the description of metaphorical models allowed us to identify attitudes towards migrants at the present stage of development of American society. The analysis of conceptual metaphors was carried out by means of a continuous sample of electronic versions of the American media and made it possible to distinguish three main groups: metaphors that personify natural phenomena and natural disasters, military and commodity-thing metaphors. An analysis of the factual material suggests a negative stereotype associated with migrants in the minds of Americans.

scholarly journals Patterns of Red and Processed Meat Consumption across North America: A Nationally Representative Cross-Sectional Comparison of Dietary Recalls from Canada, Mexico, and the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 357
Author(s):  
Sarah M. Frank ◽  
Lindsay M. Jaacks ◽  
Carolina Batis ◽  
Lana Vanderlee ◽  
Lindsey Smith Taillie
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Meat Consumption ◽  
The United States ◽  
Processed Meat ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
The Us ◽  
Total Meat ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Processed Meat Consumption ◽  
Red And Processed Meat

Close economic ties encourage production and trade of meat between Canada, Mexico, and the US. Understanding the patterns of red and processed meat consumption in North America may inform policies designed to reduce meat consumption and bolster environmental and public health efforts across the continent. We used nationally-representative cross-sectional survey data to analyze consumption of unprocessed red meat; processed meat; and total red and processed meat. Generalized linear models were used to separately estimate probability of consumption and adjusted mean intake. Prevalence of total meat consumers was higher in the US (73.6, 95% CI: 72.3–74.8%) than in Canada (65.6, 63.9–67.2%) or Mexico (62.7, 58.1–67.2%). Men were more likely to consume unprocessed red, processed, and total meat, and had larger estimated intakes. In Mexico, high wealth individuals were more likely to consume all three categories of meat. In the US and Canada, those with high education were less likely to consume total and processed meat. Estimated mean intake of unprocessed red, processed, and total meat did not differ across sociodemographic strata. Overall consumption of red and processed meat remains high in North America. Policies to reduce meat consumption are appropriate for all three countries.

Chapter II. The World Economy

1983 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 26-38
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Industrial Production ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Minor Extent

The recovery in the OECD area gathered pace in the second quarter, when its total GDP probably increased by as much as 1 per cent. The rise was, however, heavily concentrated in North America and particularly the US. There may well have been a slight fall in Western Europe, where the level of industrial production hardly changed and increases in gross product in West Germany and, to a minor extent, in France were outweighed by falls in Italy and (according to the expenditure measure) the UK.

scholarly journals Responsibility Sharing or Shifting? "Safe" Third Countries and International Law

Refuge ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Foster
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
International Law ◽  
The Us

Th is article assesses the legality at international law of “protection elsewhere” policies, that is, policies whereby responsibility for refugees is transferred between states such as in the US-Canada Safe Third Country Agreement. An analysis of the operation of such policies in Europe, Australia, and North America raises serious concerns about the ability of such schemes to uphold their aims and objectives in conformity with international law. The paper concludes by recommending that states reconsider the utility and legality of such schemes with a view to developing policies that genuinely address the need for responsibility sharing.

scholarly journals Sprawy polskie w Kanadzie w czasie I wojny światoweJ

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 227-245
Author(s):  
Anna Reczyńska
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
World War I ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Lake Ontario ◽  
World War ◽  
Training Camp ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact

Polish Issues in Canada During World War I The article presents the impact of World War I on Polish immigrants in Canada, the position of the Polish ethnic group in this country and the efforts of persons of Polish descent in regard to recruitment for the Polish Army in North America. Poles, who were subjects of Germany or the Austro-Hungarian Empire were treated as enemy aliens. Those people were forced to register and report to the police on a regular basis and some of them were interned in labour camps during the war. Some were released from the camps after an intervention of Polish organizations and priests. Soldiers of Polish descent, volunteers and recruits also fought in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces in Europe. Over 20,000 Polish volunteers from the US (including over 200 from Canada) enrolled in a training camp formed in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario on the border with the US. The problems with the organization and functioning of the camp, and opinions on Polish volunteers shaped the attitude of many Canadians towards the Polish diaspora and the newly established Polish state. Keywords: World War I, Polish Diaspora in Canada, Niagara-on-the-Lake camp, Haller’s Army, Colonel Arthur D’Orr LePan Streszczenie Artykuł przedstawia kilka przykładów obrazujących oddziaływanie wydarzeń I wojny światowej na żyjących w Kanadzie polskich imigrantów, pozycję polskiej grupy etnicznej w tym kraju oraz na aktywność osób polskiego pochodzenia na rzecz rekrutacji do wojska polskiego w Ameryce Północnej. Polaków, którzy byli poddanymi Niemiec lub monarchii austro-wegierskiej traktowano jak przedstawicieli państw wrogich. Mieli obowiązek rejestracji i regularnego zgłaszania się na policję a niektórzy zostali internowani w stworzonych w czasie wojny obozach pracy. Część z nich była z tych obozów zwolniona po interwencji polskich organizacji i polskich duchownych. Żołnierze polskiego pochodzenia, zarówno ochotnicy jak i poborowi, znaleźli się także w oddziałach Kanadyjskich Sił Ekspedycyjnych walczących w Europie. Ponad 20 tys. polskich ochotników z USA (w tym ponad 200 z Kanady) zgłosiło się też do obozu szkoleniowego utworzonego w Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, przy granicy z USA. Problemy z organizacją i funkcjonowaniem tego obozu oraz opinie o polskich ochotnikach, kształtowały nastawienie wielu Kanadyjczyków do polskiej grupy etnicznej i nowotworzonego Państwa Polskiego.

scholarly journals «Beer Hall Putsch» in the US press assessment

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-196
Author(s):  
Margarita Igorevna Tulusakova
Keyword(s):  
Press Reaction ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Information Support ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Direct Influence ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Press ◽  
Beer Hall

The paper studies the problem of the American press reaction to an attempted coup in Germany in 1923. The reasons for the Beer Hall Putsch from the point of view of the press were studied. The author shows the process of information accumulation about the putsch, the role and attitude of various representatives of the US press to it, and the international reaction to the Nazism. The role of Hitler in the coup attempt is analyzed. The author proves that there was direct influence of large American newspapers chief editors opinions on the information about the coup in Germany. The analysis of the US press reaction to the Beer Hall Putsch shows that American newspapers during the first days of the events observed these events closely. Moreover, the trends typical for the central press (coverage of international events, desire for analytics and forecasts) were also characteristic of small local periodicals. The Beer Putsch information support shows that in 1923 the US press was clearly divided in assessments about the most important issue: to support the rebels or to condemn them. The paper shows how the image of the Beer Hall Putsch influenced the policy of aggressors pacification in the future.

scholarly journals The case for Pacific media reform to reflect island communities

2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Kalafi Moala
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
San Francisco Bay ◽  
San Francisco Bay Area ◽  
The United States ◽  
Daily News ◽  
Bay Area ◽  
The Us ◽  
Island Communities ◽  
The Media

"The largest number of Tongans outside of Tonga lives in the United States. It is estimated to be more than 70,000; most live in the San Francisco Bay Area. On several occasions during two visits to the US by my wife and I during 2004, we met workers who operate the only daily Tongan language radio programmes in San Francisco. Our organisation supplies the daily news broadcast for their programmes. Our newspapers— in the Tongan and Samoan languages— also sell in the area. The question of what are the fundamental roles of the media came up in one of our discussions..."

The Securitization of the US–Canada Border in American Political Discourse

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 929-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark B. Salter ◽  
Geneviève Piché
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Prevention Act ◽  
The Us ◽  
Copenhagen School ◽  
Intelligence Reform ◽  
Securitization Theory ◽  
Security Games ◽  
Terrorism Prevention

Abstract. In this paper, the authors analyze the empirical process of securitization of the US–Canada border and then reflect on the model proposed by the Copenhagen School. We argue that securitization theory oversimplifies the political process of securitizing moves and audience acceptance. Rather than attributing securitization to a singular speaker addressing a specific audience, we present overlapping and ongoing language security games performed by varying relevant actors during the key period between the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) in December 2004 and the signing of the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) in June 2005, showing how multiple speakers participate in the continuing construction of a context in which this issue is increasingly treated as a matter of security. We also explore the language adopted by participants in the field, focusing on an expert panel convened by the Homeland Security Institute. We conclude that in the securitization of the US–Canada border there are inconsistencies between truth and discourse, as well as significant distinctions between official and bureaucratic discourses, further emphasizing the importance of a comprehensive model of securitization.Résumé. Dans cet article, les auteurs font l'analyse du processus empirique de la sécurisation de la frontière Canado-Américaine à travers la réflexion sur le modèle proposé par l'École de Copenhague. Nous soutenons que cette théorie de sécurisation simplifie trop le processus politique de son initiation et de l'acceptation de l'auditeur. Au lieu d'attribuer la sécurisation à un orateur, s'adressant à un public particulier, nous présentons les jeux de langage continuels effectués par plusieurs acteurs pendant la période suivant la Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) en décembre 2004, jusqu'à l'approbation de la Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) en juin 2005. Nous maintenons que plusieurs orateurs participent dans la construction continuelle du contexte dans lequel l'affaire est de plus en plus comprise dans le cadre de sécurité. Nous explorons aussi le langage employé par les participants dans le champ, observant surtout un groupe d'experts convoqué au Homeland Security Institute. Nous concluons que dans le cas de la sécurisation de la frontière Canado-Américaine il existe des incohérences entre le discours et le réel, ainsi que des distinctions significatives entre les discours officiels et bureaucratiques, mettant l'accent sur l'importance d'un modèle compréhensif de sécurisation.

scholarly journals Family Matters: Claiming Rights across the US-Mexico Migratory System

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Maria Hagan ◽  
Ricardo Martinez-Schuldt ◽  
Alyssa Peavey ◽  
Deborah M. Weissman
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
Child Support ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
The United States ◽  
Family Separation ◽  
Return Migrants ◽  
The Us ◽  
Binational Families ◽  
Us Immigration ◽  
Family Unity

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (INA) created an immigration system favoring the immigration of spouses, children, and parents of US citizens, thereby establishing family unity as the cornerstone of US immigration policy. Despite this historical emphasis on family unity, backlogs and limited visas for non-immediate relatives of US citizens and legal permanent residents, the militarization of the US-Mexico border, punitive measures for those who enter without inspection, such as the forced separation of children from their parents at the US border, and an aggressive policy of deportation have made it more difficult for members of Mexican binational families to unify. How do members of Mexican binational families manage the hardships that result from US immigration policies that prolong and force family separation? Immigrants and return migrants alike may not be aware of their rights and the legal remedies that exist to enforce them. Structural barriers such as poverty, legal status, fear of deportation, lack of proficiency in English, and lack of familiarity with government bureaucracies no doubt prevent many migrants in the United States and return migrants in Mexico from coming forward to request legal assistance and relief in the courts. Despite these barriers, when it comes to family matters, members of some Mexican binational families can and do assert their rights. In this article, we analyze an administrative database of the Department of Legal Protection of the Mexican consular network that documents migrant legal claims resulting from family separation, along with findings from 21 interviews with consular staff and community organizations in three consular jurisdictions — El Paso, Raleigh, and San Francisco — to investigate the sociolegal processes of claims. Our investigation centers on the mediating role the Mexican state — via its consular network — has developed to assist binational families as they attempt to assert their rights and resolve child support and child custody problems resulting from prolonged and forced family separation. We find that the resolution of binational family claims in part depends on the institutional infrastructure that has developed at local, state, and federal levels, along with the commitment and capacity of the receiving and sending states and the binational structures they establish. These binational structures transcend the limitations of national legal systems to achieve and implement family rights and obligations across borders.

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