scholarly journals Khuwalung Encroachment and Resistance: Shifting and Silencing of the Indigenous Movement in Nepal

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 01-10
Author(s):  
Bidhya Shrestha ◽  
Tara Lal Shrestha ◽  
Dipankar Senehang ◽  
Bibechana Sharma Timsina
Keyword(s):  
Grey Literature ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Resistance Movement

This article aims to explore the foundational and functional phases of the Khuwalung resistance movement. It is based on grey literature documents. To synchronize the significance of an indigenous movement, the first part of this study briefly presents the context of the hegemonic ideology of the ruling elite persisting in Nepal with reference to Khuwalung. The second part covers the phases of the resistance, which look far more constrained as a counter-resistance. The last part presents potential insights related to Khuwalung for transforming this counter-resistance into an organic indigenous movement in Nepal.

Of Extensive and Elusive Corruption in Uganda: Neo-Patronage, Power, and Narrow Interests

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Godfrey B. Asiimwe
Keyword(s):  
Service Delivery ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Zero Tolerance ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Bureaucratic Corruption ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
High Level ◽  
Resistance Movement

Abstract:This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in postindependence Uganda, with particular focus on the narrow interests it serves and its impact on development and service delivery. It argues that high-level political corruption endures largely because it is situated within the framework of “neo”-patron-clientelism and skewed power relations. The article shows how institutions have not been able to effectively engage the inner-circle ruling elite due to a skewed power structure that serves narrow political interests. Grand bureaucratic and petty forms of corruption are equally extensive and challenging, though only the former have been affected by “zero tolerance” policies. The article concludes, however, that through its interplay of inclusion and exclusion, political corruption has generated contestations which undermine it and challenge the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime.

Nomination Violence in Uganda’s National Resistance Movement

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (479) ◽  
pp. 177-198
Author(s):  
Anne Mette Kjær ◽  
Mesharch W Katusiimeh
Keyword(s):  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
Political Settlement

Abstract Institutional explanations of intra-party violence rarely address political economy dynamics shaping the institutions in question, and therefore they fail to understand their emergence and their stability. Specifically, focusing on institutional factors alone does not enable a nuanced understanding of candidate nomination violence and why some constituencies are peaceful while others are violent. This article theorizes nomination violence in dominant-party systems in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on political settlement theory, it examines the nature of nomination violence in Uganda’s October 2015 National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries. We argue that the violence is a constitutive part of Uganda’s political settlement under the NRM. Nomination procedures remain weak in order for the NRM ruling elite to include multiple factions that compete for access while being able to intervene in the election process when needed. This means, in turn, that violence tends to become particularly prominent in constituencies characterized by proxy wars, where competition between local candidates is reinforced by a conflict among central-level elites in the president’s inner circle. We call for the proxy war thesis to be tested in case studies of other dominant parties’ nomination processes.

Gendering Emotions: Ṭarab, Women and Musical Performance in Three Biographical Narratives from ‘The Book of Songs’

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-183
Author(s):  
Karen Moukheiber
Keyword(s):  
Formative Period ◽  
Musical Performance ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Musical Performances ◽  
Slave Women ◽  
Social Conduct ◽  
Literary Biographies ◽  
The One ◽  
The Book Of Songs

Musical performance was a distinctive feature of urban culture in the formative period of Islamic history. At the court of the Abbasid caliphs, and in the residences of the ruling elite, men and women singers performed to predominantly male audiences. The success of a performer was linked to his or her ability to elicit ṭarab, namely a spectrum of emotions and affects, in their audiences. Ṭarab was criticized by religious scholars due, in part, to the controversial performances at court of slave women singers depicted as using music to induce passion in men, diverting them from normative ethical social conduct. This critique, in turn, shaped the ethical boundaries of musical performances and affective responses to them. Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī’s tenth-century Kitāb al-Aghānī (‘The Book of Songs’) compiles literary biographies of prominent male and female singers from the formative period of Islamic history. It offers rich descriptions of musical performances as well as ensuing manifestations of ṭarab in audiences, revealing at times the polemics with which they were associated. Investigating three biographical narratives from Kitāb al-Aghānī, this paper seeks to answer the following question: How did emotions, gender and status shape on the one hand the musical performances of women singers and on the other their audiences’ emotional responses, holistically referred to as ṭarab. Through this question, this paper seeks to nuance and complicate our understanding of the constraints and opportunities that shaped slave and free women's musical performances, as well as men's performances, at the Abbasid court.

Nationalism, Not Islam

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faridullah Bezhan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Religious Establishment

Wish Zalmiyan or the ‘Awaken Youth Party’ (AYP) was the first political party to operate openly in Afghanistan. It enjoyed support from the intelligentsia and the monarchical regime. The AYP’s key ideological elements were nationalism and constitutionalism. While they made the party popular with a segment of the ruling elite and the intelligentsia, they brought resentment from the religious establishment for which Islam was the only ideology to be followed and the Quran the only constitution the country needed. This chapter examines how, in the aftermath of World War II, most members of the urban Afghan educated class leaned towards nationalism and constitutionalism as the driving forces for new political dynamics and the progress of the country. It explores what type of nationalism the Wish Zalmiyan party was advocating.

Palestine Unbound

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-118
Keyword(s):  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Palestinian Women ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Resistance Movement

Published each issue, this section strives to capture the tenor and content of popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict, which are held on dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend. A version of Palestine Unbound is also published on Palestine Square (palestinesquare.com), a blog of the Institute for Palestine Studies. Stories from this quarter (16 August–15 November 2019), which include a Palestine-based resistance movement to gender-based violence and a digital outpouring of respect for Palestinian grandmothers, deliver the unequivocal message that Palestinian women are determined to forge a just future where their voices are heard. Trending hashtags this quarter are #MyPalestinianSitty, #Kullna_Isra' al Ghrayyib (#WeAreAll_Israa_Ghrayeb), and #Tal3at.

11. Who is in charge? Introducing criteria to evaluate health human resource (HHR) policy documents

2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
D. Rosenfield ◽  
C. Abrahams ◽  
S. Verma
Keyword(s):  
Health Services Research ◽  
Health Services ◽  
Human Resource ◽  
Grey Literature ◽  
Implementation Strategies ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Health Human Resource ◽  
Services Research ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Care Technology

The maldistribution of and lack of access to health professionals continues to be a major issue for policymakers at all levels of government. Additionally, the basis by which Health Human Resource (HHR) policy is determined is unclear. Publications found in independent reports, peer-reviewed journals and most importantly, grey literature, can significantly influence or inform major policy decisions for “hot button” HHR issues (1) . We propose a framework that can be used to classify, rank and evaluate HHR policy/planning documents. Our framework creates six major criteria that are used to evaluate policy documents. These criteria are: 1) literature review, 2) source of primary information, 3) nature of recommendations, 4) implementation strategies, 5) credibility of authors and 6) credibility of publisher. Within each category, a score from zero to three (for criteria 1-4) or zero to two (criteria 5-6) is assigned, depending on the caliber of the document. Summing the scores from each section yields a document’s overall score. The intent of this measure is two-fold. Firstly, we want to create a tool that can be widely utilized by policymakers to help inform their decisions. Secondly, it can be used as a springboard to stimulate discussion and debate around HHR planning and policy formulation. National Information Center on Health Services Research and Health Care Technology. (NICHSR) Health Services Research and Health Policy Grey Literature Project: Summary Report. 2006. http://www.nlm.nih.gov/ nichsr/greylitreport_06.html. Accessed February 20, 2007.

Interventions to change clinician behaviour in relation to suicide prevention care in the emergency department: A scoping review protocol

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hwayeon Danielle Shin ◽  
Christine Cassidy ◽  
Janet Curran ◽  
Lori Weeks ◽  
Leslie Anne Campbell ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Emergency Department ◽  
Suicide Prevention ◽  
Behaviour Change ◽  
Clinical Care ◽  
Grey Literature ◽  
Allied Health Professionals ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Knowledge And Attitude ◽  
Clinician Behaviour ◽  
Google Search

Objective: This review aims to explore, characterize, and map the literature on interventions implemented to change emergency department (ED) clinicians’ behaviour related to suicide prevention using the Behaviour Change Wheel (BCW) as a guiding theoretical framework. Introduction: An ED is a critical place for suicide prevention. Yet, many patients who present with suicide-related thoughts and behaviours are discharged without proper assessment or appropriate treatment. Supporting clinicians (who provide direct clinical care, including nurses, physicians, allied health professionals) to make the desired behaviour change following evidence-based suicide prevention care is an essential step toward improving patient outcomes. However, reviews to date have yet to take a theoretical approach to investigate interventions implemented to change clinicians’ behaviour. Inclusion criteria: This review will consider literature that includes interventions that target ED clinicians’ behaviour change related to suicide prevention. Behaviour change refers to observable practice changes as well as proxy measures of behaviour change including knowledge and attitude. There are many ways in which an intervention can change clinicians’ behaviour (e.g., education, altering service delivery). This review will include a wide range of interventions that target behaviour change regardless of the type but exclude interventions that exclusively target patients.Methods: Multiple databases will be searched: PubMed, PsycInfo, CINAHL and Embase. We will also include grey literature, including Google search, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global, and Scopus conference papers. Full text of included studies will be reviewed, critically appraised and extracted. Extracted data will be coded to identify intervention functions using the BCW. Findings will be summarized in tables accompanied by narrative reports.

LIETUVOS DIDŽIOSIOS KUNIGAIKŠTYSTĖS KARIUOMENĖS KASDIENINIO GYVENIMO STANDARTAI 1764–1788 M.

2018 ◽  
pp. 198-217
Author(s):  
Valdas Rakutis
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Supply System ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Ordinary Life ◽  
Economic Unit ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
A Company ◽  
A Current ◽  
Grand Duchy

The article analyses ordinary life of the Armed Forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the period between the beginning of the rule by the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Stanisław August Poniatowski, and until the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792). In the period of interest it was a small (up to 4,000 soldiers), independent army, made up from national contractors, mostly cavalry detachments, the main unit being a flag of 30–100 soldiers, and the so-called foreign contractors (cavalry, infantry and artillery), the main unit being a company of 60–100 soldiers. In 1775–1777, division by contractors’ ethnicity was replaced with the territorial divisions. The main changes took place in the national cavalry, where two equally sized brigades of hussars and petyhorcy were created, whereas majority of foreign contractors were reorganized into infantry. Peace-time armed forces was an important factor for the Lithuanian public, the ruling elite and the local communities. Army was not a tool for use in large international politics, it was more of a current order preserving instrument. Army supply system was based on the independent economic unit, governed by the unit commander. Attempts by the Lithuanian Military Commission to impose greater control gave insignificant results, although the reforms of 1775–1775 were able to strengthen control of the treasury and procedures, making relationships more visible and transparent, and the actual composition of the armed forces was very close to the theoretical provisions. The economic weakness of the nation after the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and lack of correlation between recovery of the treasury and army financing put bridles on the army, preventing it from development and change. In spite of all 1764–1788 reforms, the Lithuanian armed forces remained a stagnating institution, where routine and established traditions dominated over novelty and change. Keywords: Armed Forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, ordinary army life, rule of Stanisław Poniatowski, Military Commission, Military Department of the Permanent Council.

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