scholarly journals THE EUROPEAN UNION TRAINING MISSION IN MALI – HUNGARY’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE MISSION

Author(s):  
János Besenyő

Following the limited military intervention in Mali in 2013, the European Union decided to launch a training mission tasked with the modernization of the Malian government army and the provision of military assistance. The essay’s main goal is to provide a detailed analysis of the EU’s training mission in Mali (EUTM Mali), beginning with the events leading up to the creation of the mission, then proceeding with the description of the mission and its execution so far. The article examines the underlying causes that the mission strives to solve, as well as the situational chal- lenges that the EU faces in Mali. It also provides insight into the role Hungary un- dertakes in EUTM Mali. Po omejenem vojaškem posredovanju v Maliju leta 2013 se je Evropska unija odločila začeti misijo za usposabljanje za posodobitev vojske malijske vlade in zago- tovitev vojaške pomoči v državi. Glavni cilj tega prispevka je predstaviti podrobno analizo misije EU za usposabljanje v Maliju (EUTM Mali). Avtor začne prispevek z opisom dogodkov, ki so privedli do oblikovanja misije, ter nadaljuje z opisom misije in njenega izvajanja do zdaj. V njem preučuje vzroke za krizo, ki jih misija poskuša odpraviti, in situacijske izzive, s katerimi se EU spoprijema v Maliju, ponudi pa tudi vpogled v vlogo Madžarske v EUTM v Maliju.

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Georgiana Udrea

In recent times, the European Union has been confronted with huge challenges and crises, which, in the absence of prompt and effective measures, call into question the future of the European project itself. The political incongruities, the disintegrating tendencies culminating with Brexit, the divisions between northern and southern states over economic crisis and austerity measures, the refugee waves and their poor integration into society, the rise of populist and extremist currents, etc. have caused anger, confusion and fear among Europeans, influencing the relations between member states and public perceptions. In this unstable context, studying people’s opinion on the EU and its subtle mechanisms becomes an important and pragmatic effort, as the public has the means to pursue action based on its feelings of support or opposition towards the community block. Oana Ștefăniță’s book, Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? proposes such an insight into the world of young European citizens, investigating their interest in European issues, the EU’s place on the agenda of interpersonal conversations, the way they understand and experience the feeling of European belonging, and their perspectives on the future of the Union.


Author(s):  
Ariane Bogain ◽  
Florence Potot

In an era of increased globalisation, the need for a sense of belonging and an identity is becoming more pressing. The way nations form images of others and, conversely, conscious or unconscious images of themselves is becoming increasingly important as these images impact on public opinion and on political and decision-making discourse. With the development of supranationalism in Europe, the age-old notion of European identity has come more and more to the fore. Conflicting interpretations and a general disinclination to consider the matter leave the notion of European identity as polysemic as ever. Furthermore, the expansion of the EU has contributed to blurring this notion, so much so that in the collective psyche, it has become closely linked to the membership of the European Union and it is proving sometimes difficult to dissociate one from the other. In this context, the debate surrounding Turkey’s membership of the EU gives an insight into prototypical and stereotypical representations of Europe. As the controversy has been particularly salient in France, the aim of this study is to explore the European self-conceptions and images of the other through the example of France’s opposition to Turkey’s membership of the EU. For this purpose, opinion polls and the Press will be used as forms of narrative in order to highlight these representations and how they have evolved in time. The first part of the study will concentrate on the arguments put forward to justify the opposition to Turkey joining the EU. The second part will then evaluate how the image of the other contributes to the prototypical representation French citizens have of Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Teresa Martins de Oliveira

After a short introduction to Menasse´s ideas about the European Union presented in different theoretical texts, the paper will concentrate on the novel The Capital, published in 2016. It will focus on the idea the reader will react with strangeness to the diminished narrative space taken in the text by topics like migrations, terrorism and islamofobia, which are generally accepted as the main issues affecting the EU today (Griffen 2019). Nonetheless, a more detailed analysis of three moments of the novel that critics tend to consider as subsidiary according to their place in the textual economy will show the importance of the aforementioned topics and their (possible) recognition as the new challenges that mark the EU.


IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Lippert

In this article, the author presents established models of association of the European Union (EU) with European third countries. She shows their different strategic perspectives, outlines benefits and problems, and examines the potential for developing these relations. Basically, these can go in the direction of expanding or dismantling partial sectoral integration. In addition, new basic forms of EU neighbourhood relations are discussed: the introduction of a new status of partial membership in the EU and - inspired by the European Economic Area - the creation of a European political and economic area.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (8) ◽  
pp. 979-1012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Caro de Sousa

It is a generally held assumption that the EU economic free movement rights are tools in the creation of a European internal market; and that their main goal is the (negative) market integration of different national markets. Yet these freedoms do not determine how market integration is to proceed, or which kind of integrated European market will emerge. The resulting market may be more or less regulated, and the creation of the relevant regulatory rules may be allocated to a variety of sources. These options are reflected in the different proposed tests used to determine whether a national measure prima facie infringes one of the market freedoms. The proposed tests fall into two main categories—broad tests and narrow tests—and each type has its own implications for European integration. Broad tests, usually associated with obstacle tests or even with economic due process clauses, tend to be seen as having three main outcomes. One result of broad tests is centralization, implying that ultimate decisions concerning the legitimacy of national law rests with EU institutions, and particularly with the Court of Justice of the European Union (“the Court” or “CJEU”). Another outcome of broad tests is the possible harmonization of national laws through the European political process by increasing the amount of national legislation susceptible to being harmonized under Articles 114 to 118 on the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (“TFEU”). A third consequence of broad tests is deregulation through the elimination of national rules creating obstacles to trade. Alternatively, narrow approaches-usually associated with discrimination or typological tests-are usually coupled with regulatory pluralism via a greater degree of control of the harmonization competences of the EU, decentralization through the protection of a greater sphere of Member States' autonomy, and economic agnosticism. Views on the potential outcomes of broad and narrow tests are, in turn, related to normative debates about the ideal levels of centralization, harmonization, and regulation in the internal market.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shumilin ◽  

Over the past two years (2018-2020), Turkish leadership has demonstrated the increasing rigidity of its foreign policy. This occurs both on diplomatic platforms and through military intervention in conflicts near the Turkish borders (in Syria, Iraq, Libya, in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the South Caucasus). The entourage of R.T. Erdogan openly declares his readiness to defend his interests, affirming a new role for Turkey in the regions geographically adjacent to the European Union. As a result of this policy, tensions in Ankara's relations with Brussels are noticeably increasing, both within the framework of the North Alliance (NATO) and in relation to Turkey's partnership agreements with the EU. The article emphasizes that the Turkish leadership, nevertheless, tries not to cross the "red lines" indicated by Brussels, which allows it to maintain the formal framework of partnership with the EU, despite the growing potential for conflict between the parties. The author of the article concludes that today a new model of interaction is being formed in relations between Ankara and Brussels when the consequences of the internal political transformation in Turkey begin to influence the mechanism of NATO's functioning and its partnership with the EU. K


2018 ◽  
Vol 18(33) (3) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Drzymała

Food trade is an important element of the global economy. As far as the European Union is concerned, it has sufficient resources to cover the EU population's demand for food, and it can export and exchange its own excess production for other products or services with other countries. However, Japan does not appear to be a significant partner in terms of food imports and exports. The aim of the study is to present a detailed analysis of the volume of food exports and imports according to the SITC and HS nomenclature and the perspectives for the development of mutual cooperation between the European Union and Japan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (6) ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Natalia Anikeeva ◽  
◽  
Natalia Kapitonova ◽  

The article deals with the problem of Gibraltar in British-Spanish relations in light of Brexit. The provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 do not allow the UK and Spain to reach a compromise and move forward in resolving the dispute over Gibraltar. From Britain’s perspective, the Gibraltar issue appears to be a permanent and irritating element in relations with Spain. Gibraltar does not seek to return to the jurisdiction of Spain, as indicated by the results of referendums held in Gibraltar in 1967 and 2002. During the negotiations on regional cooperation in 2004, the parties announced the creation of the Forum "Dialogue on Gibraltar". In 2006, within the framework of the first ministerial meeting of the Forum, the Cordoba agreement was signed, which does not mention the problem of sovereignty, as well as other controversial issues of the Gibraltar problem, but specifically settles inter alia the problem of freedom of movement according to one of the fundamental principles of the EU. Spain considered Brexit as an opportunity to resolve a long-running historic dispute with London. According to Madrid, all parties lose from Brexit. At the same time, Spain managed to strengthen its position on the Gibraltar issue, having enlisted the support of the European Commission and the European Council. The UK as a whole voted to leave the European Union. This puts the Gibraltar in a difficult position: they do not want to leave the EU, but at the same time intend to keep belonging to the British crown.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Anghelea

When at the end of the 1980s the EU launched a number of policies aimed to creating a European identity, the member states responded by incorporating into the Maastricht Treaty a clause stating that the European Union should respect the member states’ respective national identities (article F, point1). This reaction, along with the introduction of principle of subsidiary and the rejection of the word “federal”, revealed that many member states considered the creation of a European identity as a potential threat to their own national identities and their citizen’s national loyalties (Hojelid, 2001).


Author(s):  
Demi Wilhelmina Maria van Huisseling

Throughout history, humanity has been known to move in groups as a way of surviving, to expand their identity and culture. In Europe this has led to international and civil wars in the past but changed with the creation of the European Union. This chapter analyzes the creation and demarcation of nations during the past, the territorial identity that was formed and the need of the EU to create a European Identity to overcome the threat of independent movements. Secessionist nationalistic movements have gained importance since the economic crisis which started in 2007 and have been rising in different regions and countries of the EU. The main question that needs to be solved in this chapter: How does the EU cope with the rise of new nationalistic movements? It can only be overcome with the creation of a European territorial identity.


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