Modern Greece

Author(s):  
Stathis Kalyvas

Just a few years ago, Greece appeared to be a politically secure nation with a healthy economy. Today, Greece can be found at the center of the economic maelstrom in Europe. Beginning in late 2008, the Greek economy entered a nosedive that would transform it into the European country with the most serious and intractable fiscal problems. Both the deficit and the unemployment rate skyrocketed. Quickly thereafter, Greece edged toward a pre-revolutionary condition, as massive anti-austerity protests punctuated by violence and vandalism spread throughout Greek cities. Greece was certainly not the only country hit hard by the recession, but nevertheless the entire world turned its focus toward it for a simple reason: the possibility of a Greek exit from the European Monetary Union, and its potential to unravel the entire Union, with other weaker members heading for the exits as well. The fate of Greece is inextricably tied up with the global politics surrounding austerity as well. Is austerity rough but necessary medicine, or is it an intellectually bankrupt approach to fiscal policy that causes ruin? Through it all, Greece has staggered from crisis to crisis, and the European central bank’s periodic attempts to prop up its economy fall short in the face of popular recalcitrance and negative economic growth. Though the catalysts for Greece’s current economic crises can be found in the conditions and events of the past few years, one can only understand the factors that helped to transform these crises into a terrible political and social catastrophe by tracing Greece’s development as an independent country over the past two centuries. In Greece: What Everyone Needs to Know, Stathis Kalyvas, an eminent scholar of conflict, Europe, and Greece, begins by elucidating the crisis’s impact on contemporary Greek society. He then shifts his focus to modern Greek history, tracing the nation’s development from the early nineteenth century to the present. Key episodes include the independence movement of the early nineteenth century, the aftermath of World War I (in which Turkey and Greece engaged in a massive mutual ethnic cleansing), the German occupation of World War II, the brutal civil war that followed, the postwar conflict with Turkey over Cyprus, the military coup of 1967, and-finally-democracy and entry into the European Union. The final part of the book will cover the recent crisis in detail. Written by one of the most brilliant political scientists in the academy, Greece is the go-to resource for understanding both the present turmoil and the deeper past that has brought the country to where it is now.

Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This book is an examination of neoclassical ballet initially in the French context before and after World War I (circa 1905–1944) with close attention to dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar. Since the critical discourses analyzed indulged in flights of poetic fancy a distinction is made between the Lifar-image (the dancer on stage and object of discussion by critics), the Lifar-discourse (the writings on Lifar as well as his own discourse), and the Lifar-person (the historical actor). This topic is further developed in the final chapter into a discussion of the so-called baroque dance both as a historical object and as a motif of contemporary experimentation as it emerged in the aftermath of World War II (circa 1947–1991) in France. Using Lifar as a through-line, the book explores the development of critical ideas of neoclassicism in relation to his work and his drift toward a fascist position that can be traced to the influence of Nietzsche on his critical reception. Lifar’s collaborationism during the Occupation confirms this analysis. The discussion of neoclassicism begins in the final years of the nineteenth-century and carries us through the Occupation; then track the baroque in its gradual development from the early 1950s through the end of the 1980s and early 1990s.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-376
Author(s):  
Andrew Ludanyi

The fate of Hungarian minorities in East Central Europe has been one of the most neglected subjects in the Western scholarly world. For the past fifty years the subject—at least prior to the late 1980s—was taboo in the successor states (except Yugoslavia), while in Hungary itself relatively few scholars dared to publish anything about this issue till the early 1980s. In the West, it was just not faddish, since most East European and Russian Area studies centers at American, French and English universities tended to think of the territorial status quo as “politically correct.” The Hungarian minorities, on the other hand, were a frustrating reminder that indeed the Entente after World War I, and the Allies after World War II, made major mistakes and significantly contributed to the pain and anguish of the peoples living in this region of the “shatter zone.”


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Barkin

The ascension to power and twelve-year rule of National Socialism has had an enormous and continuing impact on the writing of German history. Since the early fifties, the leitmotiv of scholarship has been the search for the origins of Nazi successes in the peculiarities of Germany's or rather Prussia's history in the nineteenth century. Even with the emergence of social and economic history in the late sixties, the task of unearthing National Socialism's roots remained unchanged, although the tools altered and a more sophisticated strategy was adopted. A pervasive tendency developed to view all contemporary institutions as props of the authoritarian Prussian regime. Whereas pre–World War II scholarship glorified the Prussian past uncritically, the past two decades have witnessed across-the-board condemnation.


Author(s):  
DEJAN D. ANTIĆ ◽  
IVAN M. BECIĆ

Numerous local monetary bureaus owned by shareholders were established in the Kingdom of Serbia in the late nineteenth century. Many of these institutions, such as the Niš Cooperative, not only engaged in banking services but also owned industrial and trade companies. Economic circumstances changed so significantly after World War I that bank managements often were unable to cope with them. The Niš Cooperative was an example of a stable yet not particularly powerful monetary bureau whose reputation depended on the leading members of its Board of Directors. Unlike most other monetary bureaus, the Niš Cooperative continued operating after World War II up until privately-owned monetary bureaus were closed by the socialist Yugoslav government.


1996 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 199-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd Huebner

Although the fortress at Terezín attained a dubious international distinction during World War II as the Nazi concentration camp. Theresienstadt, it already possessed a gloomy history as a place of imprisonment, having held Austrian political offenders since the first half of the nineteenth century. Gavrilo Princip had been confined there along with his fellow conspirators after assassinating Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Sarajevo; the young man ultimately died in the garrison hospital. During World War I, Terezín became the largest prisoner-of-war camp in Bohemia, housing its mostly Russian prisoners in makeshift subcamps scattered outside the fortress. In 1919 the new Czechoslovak state employed some of these same facilities to intern various “suspicious elements” from Slovakia. Unfortunately the zeal with which the authorities took people into custody produced a flood of internees for which Terezín was ill prepared, and conditions in the debilitated Austrian camp soon threatened to provoke a public scandal. The circumstances of this rather unpleasant episode provide a revealing—though ambiguous—glimpse of the sterner side of the Czechoslovak First Republic, and by extension, post-Habsburg Central Europe.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-158
Author(s):  
Beverly J. Evans

Wartime music provides clear testimonial to the importance of melody and text in times of conflict. In the case of the Great War, which introduced the world to weapons of nightmarish capability, carefree popular ballads often stood shoulder to shoulder with sombre lyrics that called attention to the tragedy unfolding in the trenches. The first part of this article surveys the themes of French songs of the WWI era itself, such as ‘Ah! C’est la guerre’, ‘La Madelon’ and ‘La Chanson de Craonne’. The second concentrates on ‘La Madelon’, which underwent numerous transformations in response to events during the interwar years and World War II. The final section explores why the Great War took hold as a focus of French popular music in the late 1950s and continues to assert its presence to this day. A surprising number of contemporary artists have recorded World War I-themed songs, such as ‘La Guerre de 14–18’, ‘Jaurès’, ‘Verdun’, ‘Le No Man’s Land’, ‘Tranchée 1914’ and ‘La Chanson de Craonne’. What cultural phenomena might account for this in addition to the urge to memorialise? Examination of the internal and external forces that continue to fuel the ‘Grand débat sur l’identité nationale’ makes clear why songs of the Great War appeal to a citizenry determined to preserve the values of ‘Frenchness’ in the face of evolving demographics and increasing ‘Europeanisation’.


Author(s):  
UROŠ TOVORNIK

Članek podaja analizo sprememb v strateškem varnostnem okolju od prve svetovne vojne do danes, ki zaznamuje začetek novega svetovnega reda, ter identificira ponavljajoče se vzorce in zakonitosti v celotnem obdobju, ki so se pojavili kot posledica prve svetovne vojne oziroma dogodkov takoj po njej, in njihovo preslikavo v današnji čas. Avtor trdi, da današnja varnostna vprašanja izvirajo predvsem iz odločitev, sprejetih na versajski mirovni konferenci, in iz dogodkov, ki so ji sledili. Druga svetovna vojna in hladna vojna sta večinoma logični posledici prve svetovne vojne. Ozemeljski spori in mnogi zamrznjeni konflikti v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi so se ponovno razplamteli takoj po padcu Berlinskega zidu. To območje je ponovno polje geopolitične igre, v katero se vrača združena Nemčija, ki postaja dominantna politična sila v Evropi. S svetovno finančno krizo, ki je oslabila Evropsko unijo, strateško preusmeritvijo ZDA v vzhodno Azijo in na Pacifik ter z nedavno spremembo v varnostnem okolju zaradi krize v Ukrajini in odmika Rusije od Zahoda se nakazujejo težnje strateških premikov v varnostnem okolju. Ali bo to privedlo do novega svetovnega reda, pa je odvisno od naslednjih korakov strateških igralcev in od tega, kakšne so njihove pridobljene in predvsem ponotranjene izkušnje iz preteklega stoletja, ki bi pomagale preprečiti napake, narejene v tem obdobju. The article analyses the continuous change in the geostrategic security environment in Europe since the beginning of the World War I, which marked the beginning of a new world order. It walks us through the major strategic shifts in Europe during the 20th century as a result of World War I in order to identify repetitive patterns and to see how they come into play today. The author argues that the 21st century strategic issues are rooted in the decisions taken at the Versailles Peace Conference and that World War II and the Cold War were, in most parts, the logical consequences of the Great War. Territorial disputes and numerous frozen conflicts, mainly in the Central and Eastern Europe broke up immediately after the fall of the Berlin wall. This region, has been once and again the territory that sparks major geopolitical changes in Europe. Today, the very same region is again the point of departure of a new strategic game, with Germany at its core as the rising dominant power in Europe. The outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008, which weakened the European Union together with the US pivoting to East Asia and Pacific, and the changed security environment in Europe due to the crisis in Ukraine and Russian geopolitical shift away from Europe, an emerging global strategic shift is shaping. The future will show how and if the strategic players will use the lessons of the past century in order to avoid making the same mistakes.


Author(s):  
Lauren Ann Ross

This work examines the Reichstag’s emblematic role in Berlin’s history. Today the Reichstag is a major tourist attraction and home to Germany’s democratic parliament. However, the building has had a complicated history spanning five distinct times in German history: the Imperial Age and World War I, the troubled Weimar Republic, Nazism and World War II, the divided Cold War, and finally a unified Germany. The progressions of the building mirror those of German society and the city of Berlin over the pasts century, culminating in the vibrant Western European democratic country, city, and building we see today. Specifically, the revitalization of the Reichstag building itself through Christo’s wrapping project and Sir Norman Foster’s reconstruction were vital steps for a torn city to embrace its past while transitioning the building from a history museum into the seat of the German parliament. Furthermore, this change is emblematic of Berlin as a whole, in its quest for its own Hauptstadtkultur as the capital moved back to Berlin from Bonn. Architecture has played a significant role in this New Berlin, and the case of the Reichstag building is no different. Foster’s design, adding a modernist glass and steel dome to the nineteenth century building, emphasizes political transparency while maintaining traces of the past. Focusing on the example of the Reichstag, I argue that this merging of history and hope for the future has proved essential and successful, though often controversial, in recreating a unified, vibrant, and strong Berlin.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas P. Jewell ◽  
Michael Spagat ◽  
Britta L. Jewell

Assessment of the extent of civilian casualties during times of conflict presents significant challenges in data collection, quantitative methods, interpretation, and presentation. In this article, we briefly consider the motivation and use of casualty accounting and review historical approaches to these questions with illustrative comments on the US Civil War, World War I, World War II, and other conflicts. We provide an overview of several accounting methodologies including excess mortality, epidemiologic surveys, direct and indirect counts, multiple list estimation, and crowdsourcing. We reflect on the evolution toward modern approaches to casualty assessments, permitted by both a deeper understanding of human rights and by contemporaneous technological advances in data collection techniques. Our goal is to introduce several areas of research that deserve attention from social science historians and statisticians.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 141-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Todorova

Threevery fine papers deal with the Ottoman menace as metaphor in what we now designate as the post-Habsburg period, that discreet time span between the closing decades of the nineteenth century and World War II, with some forays into the contemporary period. In all three papers, the Ottoman (or the Turk, as was the current usage) served as a foil for contemporary grievances. It is not really the “Ottoman menace” they are dealing with, but, accordingly, the communist, socialist, working-class, Jewish, Serbian, or other “menaces” that are additionally demonized by introducing the analogy to a well-known and popular symbol. In the apt observation of the Austrian playwright J. P. Ostland, quoted by Maureen Healy, this was the present packaged as the past. It needs to be stressed that even the phrase “Ottoman menace” is a neologism form the post-World War II period, when scholarly works insisted correctly on a distinction between “Ottoman” as an imperial designator and “Turk” as an ethnic and later a national one. Although this distinction is justified for analytical purposes, it introduces a tinge of anachronism that belies one of the primary goals of history writing.


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