scholarly journals YEVGEN KONOVALETS AND THE MILITARY COUP IN NOVEMBER IN LVIV

Author(s):  
Ivan KHOMA

Until 16th November 1918, Yе. Konovalets lived in the Bila Tserkva, where he commanded a separate detachment of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, and also was the leader of the Western Ukrainian community of Kyiv. On the eve of 7th November, the Striletska rada headed by Yе. Konovalets did not support the request to go to Lviv and help the Ukrainian military to keep the city in street battles with the Poles. Since the battles for Lviv in November have been lost, this fact is superficially estimated by modern historians. The purpose of the study is to reveal events that are indirectly and directly related to Ye. Konovalets and events in Lviv in November 1918. A methodological basis is an integrated approach to the analysis of this problem. In a situation that emerged in November 1918, both in Lviv and in Kyiv, it is obvious that one could not expect another solution from Ye. Konovalets and the Striletska rada. As of 6th November, there were no previous talks or ordinary communication on assistance in the event of the armed approval from Ukrainian authorities in Lviv. At the same time, the Ukrainian delegation arrived in Kyiv was deprived of an understanding of the internal processes that took place in the Ukrainian state. Despite the fact that Ye. Konovalets did not step back from the November events in Lviv, they began to organize volunteers. It is also important that the West Ukrainian community in Kyiv, a few months before the November events in Lviv, through its press office "Nasha Dumka", criticized the distance of the Galician politicians from the independent Ukrainian state. Keywords Ye. Konovalets, Sich Riflemen, O. Nazaruk, ZUNR.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-238
Author(s):  
Malika S. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova

In the 1970s, Turkey was in a state of political turbulence. Weak coalition governments changed frequently and could not bring order to the country. The city streets turned into an arena of battles for various armed radical groups of nationalist, communist, Islamist and separatist persuasions. For 9 years from 1971 to 1980, 10 governments changed in Turkey. The political crisis was accompanied by an economic downturn, expressed in hyperinflation and an increase in external debt. Chaos and anarchy caused discontent among Turkish financial circles and generals with the situation in the country and led to the idea of a military coup, already the third in the republican history of Turkey. The US State Department was extremely concerned about the situation in Turkey, hoping to find a reliable cover against further exports of communism and Islamism to the Middle East, approving the possibility of a coup. The coup was led by the chief of the General Staff K. Evren. Political events of the second half of the 1970s allow us to conclude that, despite the interest of the financial and military circles of the United States in it, the military coup on September 12, 1980 had mainly domestic political reasons.


Significance If Barrow is inaugurated, it will mark the first peaceful transfer of power since the country gained independence. Incumbent Yahya Jammeh, who seized power in a 1994 military coup, was widely expected to claim victory, despite widespread frustration. With the economy stagnant and the unemployment rate among the highest in West Africa, Barrow successfully united much of the political opposition. Jammeh's concession was unexpected given the repression that his security services employed prior to the election. Impacts A new administration will look to draw prominent figures from across The Gambia's ethnic groups. Security will remain taut ahead of the upcoming inauguration and legislative elections scheduled for April. The new government could renew its commitment to the International Criminal Court (ICC). There could be widespread calls for the prosecution of Jammeh, which may provoke unrest within the military and new coup fears.


Itinerario ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
David Fettling

On 17 April 1946, seven Australian war crimes investigators left the military perimeter British troops were maintaining around the city of Batavia and travelled into an anarchic, lawless Javanese hinterland, rife with different Indonesian revolutionary militants fighting the Dutch and each other. As they entered the kampong of Tjaringin, north of Bogor, automatic rifle fire hit their car. Two men died immediately; a third was found days later in a nearby ditch, shot in the back of the head. Amid outrage in the Australian press, External Affairs Minister H. V Evatt announced he was sending an Australian judge, Richard Kirby, to investigate the killings. This article analyses Kirby's trip to Indonesia and his approach to the task of locating and bringing to trial the murderers.Kirby's task was a microcosm of the challenge the West faced in responding to the nationalist uprisings that convulsed postwar Asia. Those uprisings, at times marked by violent antiforeign sentiment, raised for Western nations the spectre of permanent instability and anarchy impeding their interests and influence: O.S.S. officer Peter Dewey's murder in Vietnam the year before had similarly encapsulated this issue for the United States. Yet by the end of the 1940s, Western policymakers had for the most part moved from supporting formal colonialism to supporting the formation of independent states run by Asian nationalists. Australia's support for the Indonesian Republic in its struggle against Dutch rule was an early example of this shift. It so happened that Kirby's 1946 Java mission coincided with a period of backtracking in Australia's progressive attitude to the Indonesian question: indeed, Kirby's minister at times expressed qualms with Kirby's approach.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Carta ◽  
Diego Ros McDonnell ◽  
Pedro Enrique Collado Espejo

The Atalaya Castle (eighteenth century), in Cartagena (Region of Murcia, Spain). Formal and constructive analysisThe Atalaya Castle (eighteenth century) is one of the military fortifications that were part of the defense of Cartagena. The defensive system of the period was composed of an important walled enclosure, which surrounded the city, the arsenal, and a group of fortresses outside the city wall, located on the nearby hills. One of these defensive constructions is the Atalaya Castle or Fort, located to the west of the city from its position it protected the population from attacks both by land and by sea. To the north and west by land, through the Almarjal and the Pelayo mountains, the south by sea covered the possible landings in the bays of the Algameca Grande and the Algameca Chica. The building is a magnificently construction, the fort has a pentagon ground plan with five bastions at each angle. It has an interior building in U arranged on a solid bastioned platform the whole complex is surrounded by a dry moat. The fortification present certain formal elements used in other constructions that had been lifted in the city at that time, circumstance gave unity to the whole. The materials consisted of employed mainly stone and brick, the constructive elements introduce certain heterogeneity. The purpose of the communication is to present the results of the comprehensive analysis carried out in the Atalaya Castle as well as to contribute, through its dissemination to raise awareness of the need for its restoration and enhancement. Research has studied the characteristics of the formal and constructive system of the fortification currently in a state of semiabandonment, a proposal has also been conducted for a new cultural use as a guarantee of its correct recovery and conservation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Reis de Goes Monteiro ◽  
Taiana Car Vidotto

The purpose of this article is to rescue, through documentary re- search, the establishment of the Brazilian Institute of Architects in Sa?o Paulo (IAB/SP) and the construction of its headquarters in the city, one of the leading examples of modern architecture, as well as the integration of architecture and other arts. First located in the basement of a modern building called Esther, its design, ob- ject of a contest, situated in the corner of Bento Freitas and Gene- ral Jardim Street, at Vila Buarque, had as winners and authors of the nal project the architects Abelardo Reidy de Souza, Galiano Ciampaglia, He?lio Queiroz Duarte, Jacob Ruchti, Miguel Forte, Rino Levi, Roberto de Cerqueira Ce?sar and Zenon Lotufo. It was built in the 1950’s, in a region that became a new urban center of cultural and artistic activities with new museums, libraries, cinemas, thea- ters, art galleries and bookshops and IAB/SP joined these spaces. As the building became part of a network of sociability among architects and other artists, it was possible to spread the values of the architects’ profession. Many politicians, young students, tea- chers, intellectuals and artists used and visited the building during exhibitions, music auditions, lectures and other events promoted by the Institute. Moreover, as a space of ideological exchanges, in 1964 with the Military Coup it became a symbolic site of struggle for freedom. Protected by the State Heritage body – CONDEPHAAT (Council for the Defense of the Historical, Archeological, Artistic and Touristic Heritage) in 2020, and in 2015 by CONPRESP (Sa?o Paulo City Council for the Preservation of Historical, Cultural and Environmental Patrimony) and IPHAN (Institute of National His- torical and Artistic Heritage), its restoration process predicted beyond the recovery of the physical structure of the building, the fac?ade restoration and the improvements in the use of some spa- ces. The renovation started and was partially completed, focusing on the structure of the external marquise and the reestablishment of the events space of the Institute, that returned to host events. Gradually, the street in which it is located has resumed its centra- lizing process of activities carried out by architects in the region. New young architects chose the same street for their o ces and a specialized architecture bookstore was installed on the ground oor of IAB/SP building. These spaces were a de nite boost to the resumption of the IAB/SP building as an important model of modern architecture in Sa?o Paulo, a local memory space and re- presentative of this professional segment. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-546
Author(s):  
Fatima Moura Ferreira ◽  
Patricia Leal

Re-reading the Photographic Archive: The Propagandistic Staging of the Portuguese Estado Novo in the Braga District The article focuses on visual representations of political propaganda in a local context in the early years of the Estado Novo. Braga, the city of the military coup of 28 May 1926, became nationally famous because of its symbolic value, profusely exploited by the government and the local elites. By means of thick description of iconographic material, this study analyses the use of photography in terms of symbolic materialisation, within the processes of circulation and reception of aesthetic and artistic codes fostered and spread by the «politics of spirit».


Author(s):  
Michael Koortbojian

The ancient Romans famously distinguished between civic life in Rome and military matters outside the city—a division marked by the pomerium, an abstract religious and legal boundary that was central to the myth of the city's foundation. This book explores, by means of images and texts, how the Romans used social practices and public monuments to assert their capital's distinction from its growing empire, to delimit the proper realms of religion and law from those of war and conquest, and to establish and disseminate so many fundamental Roman institutions across three centuries of imperial rule. The book probes such topics as the appearance in the city of Romans in armor, whether in representation or in life, the role of religious rites on the battlefield, and the military image of Constantine on the arch built in his name. Throughout, the book reveals how, in these instances and others, the ancient ideology of crossing the pomerium reflects the efforts of Romans not only to live up to the ideals they had inherited, but also to reconceive their past and to validate contemporary practices during a time when Rome enjoyed growing dominance in the Mediterranean world. The book explores a problem faced by generations of Romans—how to leave and return to hallowed city ground in the course of building an empire.


Author(s):  
Boris G. Koybaev

Central Asia in recent history is a vast region with five Muslim States-new actors in modern international relations. The countries of Central Asia, having become sovereign States, at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries are trying to peaceful interaction not only with their underdeveloped neighbors, but also with the far-off prosperous West. At the same time, the United States and Western European countries, in their centrosilic ambitions, seek to increase their military and political presence in Central Asia and use the military bases of the region’s States as a springboard for supplying their troops during anti-terrorist and other operations. With the active support of the West, the Central Asian States were accepted as members of the United Nations. For monitoring and exerting diplomatic influence on the regional environment, the administration of the President of the Russian Federation H. W. Bush established U.S. embassies in all Central Asian States. Turkey, a NATO member and secular Islamic state, was used as a lever of indirect Western influence over Central Asian governments, and its model of successful development was presented as an example to follow.


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