scholarly journals Re-Reading the Photographic Archive: The Propagandistic Staging of the Portuguese Estado Novo in the Braga District

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-546
Author(s):  
Fatima Moura Ferreira ◽  
Patricia Leal
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Thick Description ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Symbolic Value ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Re-reading the Photographic Archive: The Propagandistic Staging of the Portuguese Estado Novo in the Braga District The article focuses on visual representations of political propaganda in a local context in the early years of the Estado Novo. Braga, the city of the military coup of 28 May 1926, became nationally famous because of its symbolic value, profusely exploited by the government and the local elites. By means of thick description of iconographic material, this study analyses the use of photography in terms of symbolic materialisation, within the processes of circulation and reception of aesthetic and artistic codes fostered and spread by the «politics of spirit».

Changes in Income Distribution in Brazil

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Gini Index ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Very High

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.

scholarly journals Turkey’s political crisis of the 1970s and the military coup on September 12, 1980

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-238
Author(s):  
Malika S. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

In the 1970s, Turkey was in a state of political turbulence. Weak coalition governments changed frequently and could not bring order to the country. The city streets turned into an arena of battles for various armed radical groups of nationalist, communist, Islamist and separatist persuasions. For 9 years from 1971 to 1980, 10 governments changed in Turkey. The political crisis was accompanied by an economic downturn, expressed in hyperinflation and an increase in external debt. Chaos and anarchy caused discontent among Turkish financial circles and generals with the situation in the country and led to the idea of a military coup, already the third in the republican history of Turkey. The US State Department was extremely concerned about the situation in Turkey, hoping to find a reliable cover against further exports of communism and Islamism to the Middle East, approving the possibility of a coup. The coup was led by the chief of the General Staff K. Evren. Political events of the second half of the 1970s allow us to conclude that, despite the interest of the financial and military circles of the United States in it, the military coup on September 12, 1980 had mainly domestic political reasons.

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

scholarly journals Contribution of the Vernacular Architecture to the Sustainability: A Comparative Study between the Contemporary Areas and the Old Quarter of a Mediterranean City

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 896 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajer Tawayha ◽  
Luis Braganca ◽  
Ricardo Mateus
Keyword(s):  
Building Materials ◽  
Climatic Factors ◽  
Residential Buildings ◽  
Construction Materials ◽  
Vernacular Architecture ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Synthesis Methods ◽  
New City ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

The strongest point of vernacular architecture is the harmony between environment and buildings. Mediterranean vernacular architecture is harmonized with its local context, including culture and traditions. In addition, it respects environmental and climatic factors, construction materials, and morphology. In the past, people in Palestine built their houses according to their possibilities, needs, available materials, topography, and culture. Without any control from the government or any legal limitations or architects, it was people’s architecture, simple architecture. This paper discusses the differences between vernacular and contemporary residential buildings of the city of Nablus at the building scale. The research methodology adopts explanatory qualitative analysis and comparative synthesis methods for both the old and the new buildings of the city of Nablus and considers many parameters of residential buildings such as building materials, interior spaces, openings and vegetation, and the effect of sociocultural values on each. The outcomes of this research allow understanding how the new city residential buildings are far away from the sustainability principles and how the old city is close to it and how the architects and stakeholders could learn from the strategies of vernacular architecture.

Communications/excommunications: an interview with Armand Mattelart

2008 ◽  
Vol 34 (S1) ◽  
pp. 21-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
COSTAS M. CONSTANTINOU
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Communication Theory ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Research And Teaching ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
University Of Paris ◽  
The Government ◽  
The University ◽  
The Military

This interview was conducted over the Internet between February and April 2006. Armand Mattelart is Emeritus Professor of Information and Communication Sciences at the University of Paris VIII. From 1962 to 1973 he was Professor of Sociology of Population and Communication at the Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, and United Nations expert in social development. During the Popular Unity period (1970–73), he worked with the Government of President Salvador Allende until the military coup of September 1973, when he was expelled from Chile. Between 1975 and 1982, he taught at the University of Paris VII and Paris VIII, and, between 1983 and 1997, as founding member of the Communications Department at the University of Rennes 2 (Haute-Bretagne). He has carried out numerous research and teaching missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. His research interests include communication theory and history, media studies and international communication. He has authored and co-authored numerous books, translated into many languages, including: Advertising International: The Privatization of Public Space (1991); Mapping World Communication: War, Progress, Culture (1994), The Invention of Communication (1996), Networking the World 1794–2000 (2000), The Information Society: An Introduction (2003), and, with Michèle Mattelart, Rethinking Media Theory: Signposts and New Directions (1992); The Carnival of Images: Brazilian Television Fiction (1990) and Theories of Communication: A Short Introduction (1998). His most recent book, published in French, is: La Globalisation de la Surveillance: Aux Origines de l’Ordre Sécuritaire (September 2007).

The Nixon Doctrine and the Yusin Reforms: American Foreign Policy, the Vietnam War, and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Korea, 1968–1973

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-34
Author(s):  
Tae Yang Kwak
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Reconstruction ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Individual

AbstractPark Chung Hee presided over the Republic of Korea (ROK) longer than any other leader (1961–1979) and he remains the individual most responsible for defining the country's formative features. Having witnessed the worst excesses of Park's later years, many of the early scholars of Korean politics have characterized the whole of Park's long rule as a monolithic dictatorship. One of these pioneering scholars, Sungjoo Han, locates the moment of “the failure of Korean democracy” in 16 May 1961, the very day that Park and his co-conspirators seized control from Prime Minister Chang Myn through a military coup d'état. However, like the man himself, Park's career was complex and highly adaptive. Many historians now distinguish Park's rule into three distinct periods: the first and most tenuous years (1961–63) when he directed the government through a military junta, the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction; the middle years (1963–72) of elected presidential rule, referred to as the “Third Republic”; and the final years (1972–79) of dictatorial rule under the Yusin system, the “Fourth Republic.” In his early years, Park had begrudgingly adhered to a minimally democratic framework before finally turning to formal authoritarianism as the American war in Vietnam came to an end.

Rebellion, Revolution, and Tradition: Reinterpreting Coups in Ghana

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell Owusu
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Since the military coup that toppled the government of Sylvanus Olympio in Togo, West Africa, no less than seventy African leaders throughout sub-Saharan Africa have been overthrown by the armed forces. In the first two decades of independence alone, there were forty successful coups, not to mention the countless coup attempts (Meredith, 1984; Kitchen, 1985)

An International Perspective on Strikes and Strike Threats by Physicians: The Case of Chile

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Belmar ◽  
Victor W. Sidel
Keyword(s):  
Medical Profession ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Program ◽  
Delivery Of Care ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
The Government ◽  
Early Effects ◽  
The Military

The program for health services developed by the government of Dr. Salvador Allende Gossens in Chile is outlined, as well as its early effects. A review of this development is necessary to an understanding of the systematic opposition of the organized medical profession to this program in particular, and to the broad socialist goals of the government in general. Three periods of activity by the medical profession are traced, beginning in September 1970 and culminating in September 1973 with the military coup and overthrow of the democratically elected government of Chile and the murder of its president, a physician. While the medical profession was opposed to the government program for community participation in health care and to changes in the models for delivery of care, and feared a changed status for the physician, clearly there were broader political links between the organized medical profession and the political opponents of the government which sought its overthrow.

scholarly journals YEVGEN KONOVALETS AND THE MILITARY COUP IN NOVEMBER IN LVIV

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan KHOMA
Keyword(s):  
Integrated Approach ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The West ◽  
Methodological Basis ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Press Office

Until 16th November 1918, Yе. Konovalets lived in the Bila Tserkva, where he commanded a separate detachment of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, and also was the leader of the Western Ukrainian community of Kyiv. On the eve of 7th November, the Striletska rada headed by Yе. Konovalets did not support the request to go to Lviv and help the Ukrainian military to keep the city in street battles with the Poles. Since the battles for Lviv in November have been lost, this fact is superficially estimated by modern historians. The purpose of the study is to reveal events that are indirectly and directly related to Ye. Konovalets and events in Lviv in November 1918. A methodological basis is an integrated approach to the analysis of this problem. In a situation that emerged in November 1918, both in Lviv and in Kyiv, it is obvious that one could not expect another solution from Ye. Konovalets and the Striletska rada. As of 6th November, there were no previous talks or ordinary communication on assistance in the event of the armed approval from Ukrainian authorities in Lviv. At the same time, the Ukrainian delegation arrived in Kyiv was deprived of an understanding of the internal processes that took place in the Ukrainian state. Despite the fact that Ye. Konovalets did not step back from the November events in Lviv, they began to organize volunteers. It is also important that the West Ukrainian community in Kyiv, a few months before the November events in Lviv, through its press office "Nasha Dumka", criticized the distance of the Galician politicians from the independent Ukrainian state. Keywords Ye. Konovalets, Sich Riflemen, O. Nazaruk, ZUNR.

scholarly journals Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-143
Author(s):  
Sanjay Ramesh
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Ethnic Tensions ◽  
Cyclical Pattern ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military ◽  
Alliance Building

Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy. 

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