scholarly journals CHINESE INVOLVEMENT IN VANUATU AND SOLOMON ISLAND FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST THE PAPUA ISSUE

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Marinus Mesak ◽  
Yanyan Mochamad Yani ◽  
Windy Dermawan

The influence of China in the Pacific region increases due to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) program that focuses its assistance and soft loans on the development of basic infrastructure and other supporting infrastructure. Increased economic influence has an impact on changes in regional geopolitical maps. China appears to be increasingly dominant in influencing the foreign policy of the region’s countries, including China’s involvement in controlling Vanuatu and Solomon Island’s foreign policy. At present, the issue of Papua is on the main agenda of Vanuatu and Solomon Island’s foreign policy. Significant funds are needed to finance the process of advocating for the issue of Papua in the Pacific region and the international community. One source of funding comes from Chinese aid. This article will review China’s position as a source of the financing for the Papuan separatist movement based in Vanuatu and Solomon Islands, by using a power approach and economic diplomacy. Keywords: China, Belt, and Road Initiative, economic, diplomacy, Power, Vanuatu, Solomon Island, and Internationalization of Papuan Issues.    

Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Khalil Khan ◽  
Cornelius B. Pratt

China's multibillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a common fixture on the radar of policymakers and researchers because of the massive financial investment it involves and the economic opportunities it provides disadvantaged Eurasian states. BRI promises fast-track infrastructural development, transnational connectivity, and unimpeded trade. It predicates economic growth in developing countries on the shared development model. However, BRI has also engendered sensitive economic and security challenges. The Islamic world embraces BRI even as China's engagement there poses critical challenges to its foreign policy. This chapter highlights key markers on the landscape of BRI projects in the Islamic world and presents their implications for China's foreign policy. It also provides useful policy guidelines for a more effective implementation of BRI-related projects, thereby protecting China from possible conflict with regional and global powers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-304
Author(s):  
Gökçe Özsu ◽  
Ferruh Mutlu Binark

Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Garlick ◽  
Radka Havlová

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China’s use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China’s approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region’s intractable geopolitical problems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Mikhail Nosov ◽  

At present time, there are three main international integration projects actually operating in the Eurasian space ‒ the European Union (EU), the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Chinese “Belt & Road Initiative” (BRI) project. All three differ in the time of their beginning, in economic and political possibilities, in methods of implementation and in its goals. All projects, one way or another, interact with each other in Eurasia with different intensity, potentially open up wide opportunities for them, but also create new problems. For Russia relations with China is one of the most important factors of its foreign policy and the Chinese project is a substantial part of it. The article examines the history of the Chinese project, the reasons for its occurrence, and the problems arising in bilateral and global relations in the context of Russia’s participation in it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (S) ◽  
pp. 47-69
Author(s):  
Wojciech Hübner

AbstractThe paper examines the importance of the ‘Chinese factor’ in today's world from the perspective of current phenomena such as particular political and economic uncertainty and also examines them against the background of processes of global cooperation and parallel unprecedented competition at the same level. Complex phenomena occurring in this area have recently been additionally disrupted by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Will the world be different?Globalization processes have taken place over the centuries but have gained particular importance in our present times, because we left ‘the golden age’ of globalization (1990–2010) already behind us. China, ever louder, talks about the need for a ‘new’ globalization, in line with its new aspirations as a pretender to the leadership position in the global economy. The Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2013, has been in the centre of its vision. It has become the foundation for China's foreign policy in the horizon of at least the middle of XXI century. It was designed to re-confirm China's unprecedented economic success of the past four decades, which to a great extent could be derived from a skilful use of the ‘traditional’ mechanisms of globalization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Viskupic

How does status affect foreign policy outcomes? Scholars have long argued that status is a salient foreign policy driver and that states even fight for status, but there is no consensus on how to think about this relationship. I propose that unpacking the link between status and role in international relations can help scholars analyze how status shapes national security outcomes. I illustrate the usefulness of this framework on the processes leading to Australia’s intervention in the Solomon Islands. An analysis of speeches by Australia’s leaders reveals that concern for maintaining Australia’s status as the leader of the Pacific and the role of maintainer of regional order and security affected the decision to dispatch an intervention.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-336
Author(s):  
Dusko Dimitrijevic ◽  
Nikola Jokanovic

The paper analyzes the process of institutionalization of intergovernmental cooperation and coordination of state policies through the mechanism of cooperation between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEEC) and China, known in the public as ?16 + 1? (i.e., ?17 + 1? starting in 2019). Through an eclectic picture of the development of contemporary international relations, the authors indicate in a methodologically accessible manner that this mechanism of cooperation is a significant impetus for the development of international relations. Since China has taken a dominant role in redefining the Global Management System, whose goals are balanced and sustainable international development, to achieve them, China has identified certain ideological frameworks that are present in its foreign policy through the Belt and Road Initiative. Through this Initiative, China seeks to achieve the broader goals of the New Silk Road development strategy, which not only determines the directions of China?s internal development, but provides guidance for its strategic cooperation with neighbouring countries as well as with countries on other continents. Consequently, the mechanism itself thus plays an important role in strengthening China?s foreign policy position, not only with respect to CEEC, but also with respect to other European countries, including the EU as a whole.


Subject Prospects for the Belt and Road Initiative in 2019-23. Significance Five years on, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a multi-purpose foreign policy brand that encompasses far more than was initially envisaged. It has evolved from an initiative focused on Central Asian infrastructure to one with industrial, technological, environmental and legal components, and which extends geographically as far as the Arctic and into outer space.


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