Global Justice and the Mission of the European Union

Author(s):  
Philippe Van Parijs

This concluding chapter argues that any conception of justice relevant today must combine two elements, both strongly rooted in European traditions, but neither of them exclusive to them: equal respect for the diversity of conceptions of the good life that characterises pluralist societies and equal concern for the interests of all members, present and yet to come, of the society concerned. This concern, moreover, must be responsibility-sensitive — distributive justice is not a matter of outcomes but of opportunities — and it must be efficiency-sensitive, a fair distribution need not be a strictly equal distribution, but rather one that sustainably maximises the condition of the worst off. Justice, in brief, means real freedom for all, the greatest real freedom for those with least of it. Therefore, justice means global justice.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (51) ◽  
pp. 59-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Gois ◽  
Giulia Falchi

Abstract Migration has been and will continue to be one of the key issues for Europe in the coming decades. Fundamental developments such as economy, climate change, globalization of transport and communication, war and instability in the neighbouring regions, are all factors that continue to drive people to come to Europe, in search of shelter and a better life or to reunite with their families. In recent years, vulnerability of forced migrants has been exacerbated by worsening conflicts in their home country, which make repatriation less and less a viable option, and by mounting intolerance within local communities. A growing number of potential refugees attempts to escape transit countries to reach the European Union by embarking in dangerous journeys to cross the Mediterranean Sea and illegally enter the European Union. Within the European Union resettlement represents a 'durable solution' for vulnerable forced migrants alongside local integration and voluntary repatriation, a protection tool for potential people whose lives and liberty are at risk. In Italy, a group of institutions from civil society and the Italian Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Interior signed a Protocol of Agreement for the establishment of Humanitarian Corridors to ensure the legal and safe resettlement of asylum seekers. Our article will show how these Humanitarian Corridors proved to be a successful multi-stakeholder engagement to support safe and legal pathways to protection as well as durable solutions for third country nationals in need of protection.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-167
Author(s):  
Romina Alkier

In the coming years, the number of tourist trips from and within the European Union can be expected to grow, as a result of ongoing integration processes, and also because it is becoming simpler and cheaper to travel. According to the WTO, tourism will grow at a moderate rate of four per cent annually in average, and by 2020 the number of tourist arrivals worldwide will reach 1.6 billion, of which 717 million tourist arrivals will be to Europe. Out of this number, more than half a million will be to present-day EU countries. Given the EU’s continuing enlargement, clearly this number will continue to increase, and with it the global importance of the EU. The EU’s tourist policy in the years to come will increasingly become better, more imaginative and more efficient. Regardless of the unchanging subsidiary principle, this policy will continue to develop, gradually adapting to new opportunities. The principles of the sector tourist policy are already being carried out in practice by all EU members, and any country aspiring to become a part this association will not only need to incorporate these principles, but respect them as well. Croatia is one of the countries which has embraced this orientation in tourism and it is aiming to address this “European challenge” at the level of market relations, taking efforts to avoid the pitfalls and threats of tourism marginalisation, given the harsh competition and protectionist measures existing within the EU.


Author(s):  
Roderick Pace

Fifteen years ago Malta joined the European Union (EU) and four years later in 2008 it joined the Economic and Monetary Union. Throughout this period its economy performed exceptionally well, to the extent that it managed to escape the worse ravages of the Great Recession. In general, the majority of the Maltese people support EU membership. Rapid economic growth has produced a general “feel good” sentiment, which is not, however, shared by everyone. The Maltese political system has been dominated for many years by two parties, the Partit Nazzjonalista and the Labour Party, the only ones to elect candidates to the national parliament since 1966. In 2003, the Labour Party, which had opposed EU membership for many years, changed its policy. This brought the curtain down on parliamentary Euroscepticism in the country. In the meantime, economic success has meant that populist small parties have not been able to gain much traction with the electorate, and the established political parties were not dethroned by populist upsurge as happened in most of the rest of southern Europe. Growth has not led only to benefits, however. The construction sector is putting pressure to bear on scarce land resources, and the influx of foreign labor and a growing demand for housing have inflated rents and housing prices, often beyond the reach of lower income households. Unemployment stands at a low 3.8%, but more people are close to the poverty line. Malta is failing on some of the national targets of the Europe 2020 strategy. These challenges will have to be watched more closely in the years to come should this rate of growth be maintained.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 884-903
Author(s):  
Kathleen Gutman

AbstractThis contribution examines the developing contours of the essence of the fundamental right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial in the light of salient case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. It is divided into three main parts. The first part provides an overview of the meaning of the essence of fundamental rights in EU law and the scope of the inquiry in relation to Article 47 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union (“the Charter”). The second part evaluates the essence of the fundamental right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial in connection with justified limitations that may be placed on its exercise as provided for in Article 52(1) of the Charter within the framework of the EU system of fundamental rights protection, which in turn implicates the relationship with the Court’s case-law on national procedural autonomy, equivalence, and effectiveness. The third part delves into the essence of the fundamental right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial within the framework of the EU system of judicial protection, as illustrated by the Court’s case-law in several areas, including standing for individuals in direct actions before the EU courts, judicial independence, and restrictive measures in the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Through this analysis, the author argues that, while much awaits further refinement, certain recent developments in the Court’s case–law indicate that the essence of the fundamental right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial can play a meaningful role in the EU system of fundamental rights protection and the EU system of judicial protection more broadly, and thus the best may be yet to come as that case-law progresses in the future.


Author(s):  
Y. V. Pak ◽  
T. N. Polyanova

The paper delivers a thorough organizational, economic and institutional analysis of the evolution of common transport policy (CTP) of the European Union (EU). Advanced European experience and practices on the issue are set as an unambiguous territorial and functional benchmark for the breakthrough integration project in the post-soviet space - the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). When working out its own CTP the EEU faces similar challenges to that of the EU though Eurasian integration offers a unique opportunity to evade European mistakes on its way to creating a modern regional transport and logistics infrastructure at lower costs. The research identifies these failing points in the framework of the European CTP as following: (1) strong reluctance of the member states to surpass economic and political control over the transport industry on to the supranational level, (2) turning of special agencies responsible for the implementation of CTP into an independent actors with political ambitions and (3) inadequate involvement of public-private partnership mechanisms into the regional infrastructure projects. The authors claim a high potential of transport and logistics cooperation within the EEU stressing a pure economic rationale for the introduction of common norms and principles into the industry. Overall, they underline harsh negotiation process and consequently expect tangible results to come solely in the long-term perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Ana Andabaka ◽  
Martina Basarac Sertić ◽  
Martina Harc

Abstract Eco-innovation, as a new concept, and green technologies are central to the Europe’s future and at the core of the European Union policies to boost competitiveness, create jobs, and generate sustainable growth for years to come. In this context, eco-innovation is a significant tool that combines decreased environmental impact with a positive socioeconomic impact. This paper highlights the prominent role of eco-innovation and investigates still scarcely explored impact assessment of GDP growth, quality of institutions, and recycling rates on the eco-innovation index in the 28 European Union member states. Specifically, the set of regression analyses that use panel estimation models was undertaken and the system GMM estimator with robust standard errors was used. Econometric analysis indicates that GDP growth rate, quality of institutions, and recycling rate of municipal waste had a statistically significant and positive effect on eco-innovation in the period 2010-2016.


Author(s):  
Ilya Kiva ◽  

The article considers the peculiarities of the introduction of high moral aspects of the political and social system of the European Union in the national system of public influence on the activities of law enforcement agencies. It is established that the implementation of legislative norms and provisions of the European Union in the legal system of Ukraine is the basis of the European course and further effective application of the principles of state regulation of law enforcement. It is substantiated that the activity of the police is subject to clear regulation both in the member states of the European Union and in Ukraine. Therefore, the organizational and legal support of public authorities in determining the procedure for recruitment, dismissal, receiving incentives for professional tasks corresponds to the principles of civil society. The public and its influence on law enforcement are correlated with law-centrism. It is noted that the influence of the community on the activities of law enforcement agencies is identified with respect for legal norms and regulatory framework. It is emphasized that decentralization, which is being introduced in the member states of the European Union, aims at equal distribution of powers between police bodies and, as a consequence, improvement of public law enforcement communication. In Ukraine, on the other hand, there are similar transformations in the legal framework of civil society cooperation with the police: the idea of decentralization corresponds to the Euro-Atlantic course, which is the guiding one, in the context of shaping state policy for Ukraine. It is pointed out that the process of perception by the police and structural units of law enforcement agencies of the European Union member states of the influence of civil society on the style of their functioning is a process of democratization of the socio-political system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194-216
Author(s):  
Pavlos Eleftheriadis

This chapter argues that fairness is a fundamental principle of the EU treaties. It means that under the EU treaties obligations of solidarity from one state to another are real. Their rationale, however, is not one of fair distribution. States may seek redress for unfairness on the basis of a conception of corrective, not distributive justice. Solidarity in the European Union is a matter of bilateral corrective justice, which informs the established treaties and gives them meaning. This is not just a moral interpretation, but also a legal interpretation, manifested not only in the practice of the member states but also in the judgments of the Court of Justice. Fairness, understood as justice in cooperation, is the third fundamental principle of the European Union as a Union of Peoples.


Author(s):  
Isabelle Hertner

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (Special) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
FABRICE FRESSE ◽  
LUCINDA MORGAN

Spearheaded by the European Union Center of the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign and financed by the European Commission through the allocation of the Get to Know Europe (G.T.K.E.) grant, the Transatlantic Educators Dialogue (T.E.D) promotes educational and public diplomacy as well as transatlantic cooperation as means to explore challenges facing our educational systems in a context of international assessments, growing mobility and tensions across the globe. Intercultural in its core and conception, T.E.D. is an innovative online program for educational experts in the European Union and in the United States of America to come together for a shared examination of a variety of transversal topics, such as immigration, religion in education, active teaching methods and issues related to identity and difference. This article is based on the premise that one of the ways to develop intercultural education and global skills is to invest in the development of inclusive and intercultural networks of educational expertise.


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