The First Shift in (Modern) Ruler Visibility: the Reign of Mahmud II (1808–39)

Author(s):  
Darin Stephanov

Chapter 1 introduces and briefly traces the concept of ruler visibility, the focal point of the entire book, from the inception of the Ottoman imperial project to the nineteenth century. This umbrella term facilitates two lines of subsequent analysis of the sultan’s public image – visibility at home vs. abroad, and visibility to Muslim vs. Christian target audiences. The chapter then focuses on the reign of Mahmud II (1808–39), who engineered the first shift in modern ruler visibility in the Ottoman Empire. On the basis of hitherto untapped Ottoman archival evidence, this chapter makes the claim that the reform process began much earlier than the standard narrative (the Rose Chamber Rescript (Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerif) of 1839) still claims. It also introduces some principles of aggrandisement of the ruler in the eyes of the people, such as piety, devotion to duty and fatherly status (in a ‘father-children’ metaphor of society), which pertain to the entire book.

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selim Deringil

The nineteenth century, a time when world history seemed to accelerate, was the epoch of the Risorgimento and the Unification of Germany. It was also an epoch which saw the last efforts of dynastic ancien régime empires (Habsburg, Romanov, Ottoman) to shore up their political systems with methods often borrowed from their adversaries, the nationalist liberals. Eric Hobsbawm's inspiring recent study has pointed out that, in the world after the French Revolution, it was no longer enough for monarchies to claim divine right; additional ideological reinforcement was required: “The need to provide a new, or at least a supplementary, ‘national’ foundation for this institution was felt in states as secure from revolution as George III's Britain and Nicholas I's Russia.”


2011 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annie Tindley

Despite the period after the Great Highland Famine being labelled by some historians as a period of relative prosperity for the crofting and cottar community of north-west Sutherland, poverty and occasional destitution remained the norm. This article examines the structural causes and social consequences of this recurring pattern, principally from the perspective of the owners and managers of the Sutherland estate. The views of those factors ‘on the ground’ revolved around the organisation of immediate assistance for the people, as well as a fear of a ‘dependency’ culture being the permanent result of landlord charitable aid. These views clashed with those of the estate commissioner and ducal family, who were concerned with their public image, especially in the wake of unfavourable comment on the clearances. These contrasting views were further complicated by contemporary debates about charity and Poor Law reform which, although often metropolitan in focus, had a direct impact on the Sutherland estate's response to destitution in the mid-nineteenth century.


2000 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Aspinwall

‘All this talk of socialism is just a ruse. The people are starving and we must not play the policeman for England.’ wrote Archbishop Thomas W. Croke of Cashel in 1880. His attitude was far more intelligent and realistic than The Tablet and its reactionary supporters. Irish bishops were desperately concerned about massive Irish emigration in the late nineteenth century: the threat to the faith at home, the possible loss of souls overseas and the Church’s inability to serve her people was worrying. However zealous in its defence, the Irish bishops remained powerless to halt English popular and government support for the destruction of the Temporal Power. They saw other priorities emerging: by 1880 the recovery of the Temporal Power was a forlorn hope. They must take the high moral ground of humanity rather than property.


1970 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-209
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kabacińska-Łuczak

The aim of the article is to attempt and show the “enlightenment” of the peasants of Greater Poland in the middle of the nineteenth century in the magazines addressed to them, especially in relation to matters of education and upbringing. The subject of the research is the information on educational issues raised in one of the magazines for the people – “Wielkopolanin,” which was published in the years 1848-1850. Among the educational issues raised, the most important was the promotion of national identity both at school and at home. Further, it covered such topics as the influence of teachers on patriotic activity (their attitudes, values, importance in the local community), the role of village nursery schools, and support for orphans.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
MSc. Arben Salihu

The developments of the nineteenth century were determining for the history of Balkan region as it shaped the future of many generations to come, resulting in (mainly) growing discontents that led to several wars during the last century. It was beginning of the decay of the Ottoman Empire that many longed for, and many nations used every opportunity to take a full advantage of it. The aim of this work is to explore exclusively (only) Western sources in an attempt to provide, as much as possible, an objective and neutral picture. Therefore, the idea behind the decision to examine non-Balkan sources is impartiality, in order to bring the reader as close as possible to the reality of the nineteenth century. A number of nineteenth century books, magazines and newspapers of the time, by respective Western authors, are explored and analysed. Reading and examining a large volume of data and information of this period, offers a unique sense of feeling, similar to that of living the nineteenth century world. Albanians, who have historically populated the heart of Balkans, are focal point of this region (in many of the regional and international sources) for this particular period, vis-à-vis the Ottoman governance as well as relations with other regional neighbours. Their contribution to the history of nations in the region was unquestionably critical, but their conduct in relations to their own cause has produced an unproductive image, portrayed often with confused and incomprehensible deeds. By using authentic sources of the time, the study intends to develop arguments on many points raised, like population and religion. This work also touches briefly the sensitive issue of education in the region and initial Albanian inputs in the history of Balkan education map. Finally the study concludes that Albanians’ altruism and largely visionless focus, produced a relatively expected detrimental outcome.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-171
Author(s):  
Kristina Jorgic ◽  
Petar Colic

For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.


Author(s):  
أبو صالح محمد طه

الحريّة حقّ للناس لا فضل، والدولة الحرة أو المنطقة الحرة نشّطت قيم الناس الوطنية وصداقتها للوطن، وشعوره للنفس من جديد، وقد تحطم العالم العربي في النصف الأخير من القرن التاسع عشر من الناحية السياسية والاقتصادية، وقد سعى وتسلط كل من الفرنسيين والبريطانيين والروس على العالم العربي ونجحوا في ذلك، وكانت الخلافة التركية حينذاك ضعيفة جدا في زمن استعباد الامّة العربية ظهر بعض شعراء العربية الذين أصدروا الموضوعات الجديدة في شعرهم، وظهر في شعرهم  الدعوة إلى حريّة البلاد والسيادة المطلقة والصداقة للوطن، واستقرار الحالة السياسية والاقتصادية المعاصرة؛ إذ إن الشاعر معروف الرصافي كتب قصيدة عن حكومة الانتداب ودمشق تندب أهلها والحرية في سياسة المستعمرين وغيرها، وكذلك كتب محمود سامي البارودي وحافظ إبراهيم وأحمد شوقي وغيرهم من الشعراء فيها، وتوسّع نفوذ هذه الأشعار في الامّة العربية، وتنبه الناس إليها، وحصلت الامّة العربية على حريّة بلادها، وبدأ تبعث حب الوطن، والنشاط في بث الروح الوطنية، لتكون البلاد سالمة وآمنة من خطر من الإرهاب والفساد، وهذا هو تصوير هذه المقالة. الكلمات المفتاحية: الشعر، مراحل الشعر، الإسلام، الشعراء، الحرية. Abstract Freedom is a right for people, not a grace. A free state or zone can revitalize the national values of the people, their patriotism and self-consciousness. The Arab world fell into serious political and economic crisis in the second half of the nineteenth century. In such juncture, France, the Great Britain and the Russia each of them, tried to establish their dominance on the Arab world and they became successful due to the weak administration of the Ottoman Empire. In this colonial era, poet and literary men have flourished their literary works introduced in a new horizon. In their poetry there was a call for freedom, sovereignty, patriotism and the stability of the contemporary political and economic situation. For example, the poet Maarof Al-Rasafi wrote about mandatory government, and how Damascus cried for their people and freedom in the policy of colonial. The same themes were written by other poets such as Mahmood Sami Al-Barudi. These all are portrayed in this paper. Keywords: Poetry, stages of poetry, Islam, poets, freedom.


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