The Southern Palestine Bedouin between Colonialism and Nationalism: Comparing Representations in British Mandatory Documents and Palestinian Newspapers, 1930–1948

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansour Nasasra
Keyword(s):  
Body Politic ◽  
Active Agent ◽  
Colonial Discourse ◽  
The Press ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Palestinian Nationalism

Based on British archival documents and Palestinian newspapers from the 1930s, the paper draws some conclusions on the representation of the Beersheba (Bir al-Sabi') Bedouinin both British colonial discourse and in the press and voices of Palestinian nationalism. By reviewing British archival documents, including private diaries of British officers, I argue that the British colonial authorities developed strategies and practices to rule the Beersheba Bedouin as a group separate and disconnected from the rest of the Palestinian communities in Mandate Palestine. This contrasts with the Palestinian newspapers—al-Difa', Falastin, Huna al-Quds, al Carmel—that from the 1930s and 1940s presented the Bedouin as an active agent in the Palestinian body politic, participating in numerous outlets, such as in the Higher Arab Committee, the Higher Islamic Council in Jerusalem and Gaza, as well as in Palestinian conferences.

Workers of the Western Siberian Forest Office: Career Biographies of Experts (End of the 19th – First Third of the 20th Century)

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4 (28)) ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Oleg A. Milishchenko
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Teaching Activities ◽  
The Press ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Level Of Training

The article discusses career biographies of officials of the forestry department and forestry faculty of the Siberian Institute of Agriculture. Based on materials from directories, archival documents, the press, specialized publications and scientific literature, the author provides data on the level of training of forestry figures and their contribution to the development of the industry, including organizational and teaching activities at the Forestry Department of the Siberian Institute.

FOREIGN SERVANTS IN AN INDIAN PRINCELY STATE BHOPAL (19TH — EARLY 20TH CENTURIES)

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-163
Author(s):  
E. Yu. Vanina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
British Empire ◽  
Central India ◽  
High Status ◽  
Domestic Servants ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Princely State ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
British Colonial

Bhopal, one of the ‘princely states’ and vassals of the British Empire (Central India), enjoyed special favour with its sovereign. Throughout a century, it was ruled by four generations of women who gained themselves, in India and outside, the reputation of enlightened and benevolent monarchs. Archival documents and memoirs allow glancing at the hitherto hidden world of domestic servants who not only ensured the comfortable and luxurious life of the princely family, but its high status too, both for fellow Indians and for British colonial administrators. Among the numerous servants employed by the Bhopal rulers, freely hired local residents prevailed. However, the natives of some other countries, quite far from India, were conspicuous as well: the article highlights West Europeans, Georgians and Africans (“Ethiopians”). In the princely household, foreign servants performed various functions. While British butlers and Irish or German nannies and governesses demonstrated the ruling family` s “Westernized” lifestyle, Georgian maids and African lackeys showcased the affluence and might of the Bhopal queens. Some foreign servants came to Bhopal by force: the reputation of ‘progressive’ was no obstacle for the Bhopal queens to use slave labour. When such cases became public, the British authorities responded with mild reproaches: condemning slavery, they nevertheless loathed any discord with their trusted vassals.

Literary Center of Constructivists on Its Way to the RAPP (From the History of Literary Life at the Turn of the 1920s — 1930s)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-321
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Kornienko ◽  
Ruslan E. Klementiev
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
Literary Life ◽  
The Press ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Russian Association

The article examines one of the episodes of the literary struggle of the late 1920s — early 1930s — the history of the entry of the Literary Center of Constructivists (LCC) into the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers (RAPP). At the beginning of 1930, almost all literary groups and associations faced the need to define a new level of interaction with RAPP. LCC, as one of the literary groups closest to RAPP, seemed to have all the prerequisites for a successful association with the RAPP. But in reality, this did not happen. Members of RAPP are suspicious of constructivists; attacks at LCC are becoming more frequent in the press. Always considered a left-wing association, LLC is declared a petty-bourgeois group, with which, despite its disbandment, an irreconcilable struggle is required. This article bears upon not only the periodicals of 1930 but also and mainly upon the hitherto unstudied transcripts and other archival documents of RAPP. New archival materials reveal internal processes of the literary struggle at the turn of the decade, and make it possible to demonstrate how, even after the acceptance of the Constructivists by RAPP, the former continue to be perceived as a hostile group whose past was to always blame them.

scholarly journals Celebrating Empire. Organization of "General Assemblies of the Forces of the Regime" 1935-6 in Italy's Province of Istria

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-139
Author(s):  
David Orlović
Keyword(s):  
Addis Ababa ◽  
Early Morning ◽  
Public Places ◽  
Benito Mussolini ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
The People ◽  
The Press ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Provincial Capital ◽  
Fascist Regime

The author describes the preparation and implementation of mass rallies marking the beginning and the end of the Italian invasion of Ethiopia (October 1935 – May 1936) in Italy’s province of Istria. Relying on official regime representation of these events through the writing of the regime-affiliated press and confidential documents, the paper discusses the main organizational and ideological features of the mass rallies, with an emphasis on the manner in which the fascist authorities prepared them and the way they were presented in the press. Throughout the war, mass rallies and events of public ritual contributed to the homogenization of the Italian people, culminating in May 1936 with oceanic assemblies celebrating the victory, and achieving the closest state of unity of the people with the Fascist regime. The country-wide preparations for the “General Assembly of the Forces of the Regime” (Adunata generale delle forze del regime) that marked the beginning of the Italian invasion of Ethiopia were strictly implemented in the Province of Istria in line with the regime’s expectations, and the general population was urged to participate in the mass demonstrations that were believed to have been marking the events of utmost historical significance. The preparations for the Assembly went to the minimal detail, ensuring the participation of every Fascist Party member in the event, while the local daily journal Corriere Istriano motivated the wide masses for this huge event. The Gathering took place in the late afternoon of October 2nd 1935, and both archival documents and the press (focusing on the provincial capital of Pula) emphasized the alleged utmost euphoria and enthusiasm that the event provoked, especially in its dimension of adoration of the Italian leader Benito Mussolini. The gatherings in the so-called “Radiant African May” (Maggio radioso africano) in Istria in 1936 formed an incessant period of mobilization and celebration from May 5th (after the announcement of the capture of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa) up to May 10th (after the proclamation of the Empire). In contrast to the initial grand adunata on October 2nd 1935, these gatherings were more hastily prepared but were again ideologically organized and controlled from the government’s centre in Rome. Two main gatherings (May 5th and May 9th) involved the listening to Mussolini’s speeches through speakers put in public places, one of which was the huge Roman-era Amphitheatre in Pula. Besides that, the gatherings followed an already established pattern of forming processions and playing music that captivated the people gathered until early morning hours. The events occurred in the whole Province, and local police were asked to report to the Prefecture in Pula in detail about the gatherings on each locality.

scholarly journals Akbar or Aurangzeb? Ethics, Empire, and Print Publics in Colonial India

Itinerario ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-286
Author(s):  
Leigh Denault
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Personal Responsibility ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
North India ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Press ◽  
Civic Institutions ◽  
Healthy Body

AbstractIn the 1870s, Indian news editors warned their readers of a series of crises threatening India. They saw the famines, wars, and poverty that they were describing as symptoms of the same illness: Colonial governors had failed to implement an ethical system of governance, and had therefore failed to create a healthy body politic, choosing to expend energy in punishing or censoring dissent when they should have been constructing more durable civic institutions. In North India, earlier Mughal traditions of political philosophy and governance offered a template to critique the current state. In drawing on these traditions, editors linked multiple registers of dissent, from simple ‘fables’ about emperors to more sophisticated arguments drawn from newly reinterpreted akhlaq texts, creating a print record of the multilingual, multivalent literary and oral worlds of Indian political thought. The figures of the Mughal emperors Akbar and Aurangzeb, representing the zenith and nadir of Mughal sovereignty, in turn linked popular and learned discussions on statecraft, good governance, and personal responsibility in an age of crisis. The press itself became a meeting point for multivalent discourses connecting South Asian publics, oral and literate, in their exploration of the nature of just rule in the context of empire, calling, in the process, new ‘publics’ into being.

scholarly journals Searching for an Ally. The Soviet Diplomats in Latvia and Their Contacts with Kastus Ezavitau 1925–1926

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 47-58
Author(s):  
Daria A. Korotkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
School Education ◽  
Main Subject ◽  
The Press ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Creation

This article is dedicated to the research of unknown fragments of national Belarusian emigrant groups’ history. Soviet diplomatic plans to establish ties with the local Belarusian population and to expand Communist propaganda in Latvia required contact with the leaders of the Belarusian movement, including Ezavitau. The main subject is the activity of Kastus Ezavitau in the middle of the 1920s. There was no possibility for Belarusian activists in the region of Latgale, where most Latvian Belarusians lived, to avoid collaboration with the Soviet permanent mission because of a lack of money and the discrimination policy of Latvian authorities. Local Belarusian activists had to fi ght for infl uence over the Latgale peasants, who often could not yet decide on their national identity, with the much more active and infl uential Polish and Russian diasporas. The Soviet mission provided fi nancial support to the press, and for school education in Belarusian, but forced them to carry out their demands in return. Analysis of a number of archival documents shows that, contrary to the widespread idea of his pro-Soviet mood, this collaboration was involuntary and undesirable for Ezavitau during this period, as we may see in the documents. He tried to provide more independent activity, such as the creation of the Belarusian party, but was permanently stopped by his super- visors in the Soviet mission. Soviet diplomats were not satisfi ed by collaboration with Ezavitau either but had no other candidate with whom to establish a permanent contact.

Amputated Men, Colonial Bureaucracy, and Masculinity in Post–World War I Colonial Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 620-643
Author(s):  
George N Njung
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
First World War ◽  
African History ◽  
African Continent ◽  
World War ◽  
Colonial Studies ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
First World

Abstract Since the 1980s, several aspects of masculinity in relation to the First World War, including the image of the citizen-soldier, have been well studied. Other aspects, however, such as the experience of combat and its impact on peacetime masculinities lag well behind. Though wartime and postwar experiences in Africa provide a repertoire for gender and masculinity research, the continent has been neglected in this realm of studies. British colonial Nigeria contributed tens of thousands of combat men to the war with thousands becoming disabled and facing challenges to their masculine identities, yet there is no serious research on this topic for Nigeria. This paper contributes to this long-neglected aspect of African history. Known in colonial archival documents only as “amputated men,” war-disabled Nigerian men struggled to navigate colonial bureaucracy in order to obtain artificial limbs and redeem what they considered their lost manhood. Employing data collected from the Nigerian and British archives, the article’s objectives are twofold: it analyzes the diminishment of the masculine identities of war-disabled men in Nigeria following the First World War, and it explains how such diminishment was accentuated by an inefficiently structured British colonial bureaucracy, paired with British colonial racism. The article contributes to scholarship on WWI, disability studies, gender studies, and colonial studies, through examination of the protracted legacies of the global conflict on the African continent.

‘Alarmist stories and defeatist views’: Censorship and morale in India during the Second World War

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-264
Author(s):  
Devika Sethi
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The Press ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Second World

This article identifies three loci of the British colonial state’s anxiety about communication of news and views in India during the Second World War: its own officials (and their families); the press (both English language and vernacular); and the Indian public. It explores war-time dilemmas of the state with regard to censorship of both news and rumour, and it discusses the central paradox of censorship in colonial India during war-time.

Rethinking South Asian Media Historiography: Excavating Princely India’s Media Cultures with Reference to Jammu and Kashmir State

2021 ◽  
pp. 239386172110402
Author(s):  
Imran Parray ◽  
Saima Saeed
Keyword(s):  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Historical Factors ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
British Colonial

This article, while attempting to rethink the media historiography of South Asia, traces the early origins of press systems in princely India. Focusing on Jammu and Kashmir state, it offers an assessment of socio-political and historical factors which contributed to the trajectory of growth of the press in the state while tracing its relationship with the princely politics, indigenous politico-religious movements, and the British colonial state vis-a-vis an emerging colonial public. The larger aim of the article is to shift focus to media cultures of princely India and bring them onto the centre stage of postcolonial historiography. We argue that such a study of the press systems—which existed in princely states but have hitherto remained a neglected subject—will not only complement the current understanding of postcolonial media studies but substantially offer an alternative reading of the dominant discourse within postcolonial studies. The article maps the webs of patronages, loyalities, struggles and resistance that marked the coming of the periodical press in the state and how they differently shaped its practices, aspirations and outcomes.

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