Rethinking South Asian Media Historiography: Excavating Princely India’s Media Cultures with Reference to Jammu and Kashmir State

2021 ◽  
pp. 239386172110402
Author(s):  
Imran Parray ◽  
Saima Saeed

This article, while attempting to rethink the media historiography of South Asia, traces the early origins of press systems in princely India. Focusing on Jammu and Kashmir state, it offers an assessment of socio-political and historical factors which contributed to the trajectory of growth of the press in the state while tracing its relationship with the princely politics, indigenous politico-religious movements, and the British colonial state vis-a-vis an emerging colonial public. The larger aim of the article is to shift focus to media cultures of princely India and bring them onto the centre stage of postcolonial historiography. We argue that such a study of the press systems—which existed in princely states but have hitherto remained a neglected subject—will not only complement the current understanding of postcolonial media studies but substantially offer an alternative reading of the dominant discourse within postcolonial studies. The article maps the webs of patronages, loyalities, struggles and resistance that marked the coming of the periodical press in the state and how they differently shaped its practices, aspirations and outcomes.

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Kacper Kosma Kocur

The media system in Israel todayThe paper examines the media system in the state of Israel. It takes into account both the history of the media — from the press through radio and television to the internet — and the current situation. The author describes the most important Israeli media: newspapers, television and radio stations, as well as websites, taking into consideration their popularity on the market, political orientation and importance in Israel’s media world.


Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-264
Author(s):  
Devika Sethi

This article identifies three loci of the British colonial state’s anxiety about communication of news and views in India during the Second World War: its own officials (and their families); the press (both English language and vernacular); and the Indian public. It explores war-time dilemmas of the state with regard to censorship of both news and rumour, and it discusses the central paradox of censorship in colonial India during war-time.


Author(s):  
Gibril R. Cole

The geographical boundaries of contemporary Sierra Leone resulted from the intense quest for imperial domains by European powers, specifically by Britain and France, during the 19th-century scramble for colonies. However, the country’s history runs deep into the past. While the peoples of the present-day republic did not have a history of large polities, there were, nonetheless, organized states with social, political, and economic structures, some of them based on conventional understandings of relations between the rulers and their peoples. Agricultural production, local, regional, and long-distance commerce facilitated not just economic exchanges, but also cross-cultural encounters between peoples from near and far. This engendered an integrative process that allowed for population growth and state expansion prior to the arrival of Europeans in the region of West Africa in the 15th century and the subsequent rise of the Atlantic slave trade. While the transatlantic system disrupted the existing political, economic, and social systems, the remarkable resilience of the peoples enabled them to rebound, only to be later subjugated to British colonial rule from 1808 to 1961. British colonialism encountered resistance in one form or another from its initial establishment until 1896, when a civil uprising devolved into a war of attrition between the people of the interior of Sierra Leone and the British colonial state. British rule and control of the colonial economy continued until the post-World War II period, when educated Africans across the continent sought to attain their independence. Sierra Leone’s educated elite organized, albeit along ethno-regional lines, to demand independence, which was granted in 1961. The post-independence experiment in democracy was subverted by political megalomania, the entrenchment of ethno-regionalism, corruption, and frequent military interventions in the state. The use of subaltern youth in the politics of the country by the state ultimately had the effect of producing a group of youths who sought to transform themselves from foot soldiers of the political groups to a military junta through violence, which engulfed the country in a decade-long civil war from 1991 to 2002.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p20
Author(s):  
Chinedu C. Odoemelam ◽  
Uche V. Ebeze ◽  
Okorom E. Morgan ◽  
Daniel N. Okwudiogor

This study is situated within the normative theoretical framework, which focuses on the press in nations where the press is expected to assume the coloration of the political milieu within which it finds itself. The British colonial masters discovered the power of the press in the early 16th century and devised numerous schemes to restrict publication. Such policies were extended to her majesty’s colonies; for instance, the law of sedition in Nigeria. Freedom of the press is a right but it is a right that has been won only through many hard-fought legal battles like the one fought by John Peter Zenger in the seditious trial of 1735. There were several such trials for sedition in the colonies, and despite the acquittal of John Peter Zenger, the British colonial government went ahead to adopt such laws in her colonial territories. This was exemplified in the seditious offence ordinance that was in force in 1909 in Southern Nigeria. This study adopts the historical, legal research and critical paradigm technique to examine how the law of sedition has fared in inhibiting press freedom in Nigeria since 1914. The study provides an understanding of how colonial influence may affect laws regulating how the media function in independent States.


Author(s):  
Emmanuel Taïeb ◽  
Mitchel P. Roth

This book examines the question of state involvement in violence by tracing the evolution of public executions in France. Why did the state move executions from the bloody and public stage of the guillotine to behind prison doors? The book exposes the rituals and theatrical form of the death penalty and tells us who watched, who participated in, and who criticized (and ultimately brought an end to) a spectacle that the state called “punishment.” France's abolition of the death penalty in 1981 has long overshadowed its suppression of public executions over forty years earlier. Since the Revolution, executions attracted tens of thousands of curious onlookers. But, gradually, there was a shift in attitude and the public no longer saw this as a civilized pastime. Why? The book answers this question. It demonstrates the ways in which the media was at the vanguard of putting an end to the publicity surrounding the death penalty. The press had ample reason to be critical: cities were increasingly being used for leisure activity and prisons for those accused of criminal activity. The agitation surrounding each execution, coupled with a growing identification with the condemned, would blur these boundaries.


2005 ◽  
Vol 181 ◽  
pp. 171-173
Author(s):  
John Gittings

One can obtain as wide a range of views on the state of health of the Chinese media as on any other subject these days. Chinese journalists who remember the press up to 25 years ago will assert how much greater freedom exists now. Even the reporting of traffic accidents was forbidden, as Hugo de Burgh points out, “until the taboo was broken around 1980” (p. 36). (In Shanghai, I was told, it was broken when the Jiefang ribao reported that a trolley bus had caught fire on Huaihai Road.)Younger journalists are more likely to chafe at the limits still imposed upon the media. Many seek to pursue media studies abroad, explaining that they hope to be better qualified if or when there is a new breakthrough in China. Others continue to push at the limits, sometimes getting sacked but often able to move on to another media outlet in another province. Those working for web-based media are often bolder than their print counterparts – including journalists on the People's Daily website who exposed the notorious Nandan tin mine disaster in 2001.This is a timely book which, as its title suggests, focuses on the Chinese journalist rather than on Chinese journalism – a distinction that would have been impossible to draw until recent years. It is based on fieldwork as well as wide reading although the value of some interview material is reduced by the necessity – revealing in itself – to mask the interviewees' identity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 288-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
BHANGYA BHUKYA

AbstractBritish colonial intervention in India had sought to establish an exclusive sovereignty as was embodied in the modern state of the West. India had a tradition of existence of multiple sovereignties even during the times of strong imperial powers. Pre-colonial imperial powers had enjoyed symbolic sovereignty particularly over forest and hill areas, while local powers had undisputed sovereignty over resources and people in their territories. The British colonial state disturbed this shared sovereignty by assimilating the local sovereign powers into the state through a programme of colonial modernity, treaties, agreements and by force. This process produced contested histories. However, local powers such as the Gond Rajas were, to some extent, reduced to a subordinate position.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ismael Mohammadpour

<p>The Egyptian Revolution of 2011, in fact was the result of crises in the Egyptian society; such as increasing social inequality and corruption and Mubarak’s efforts to inherit the presidency. These crises by the help of the media –from the press to the social networks- provided the grounds for shaping anti-Mubarak social movements and eventually led to fall him. In this regard, one of the most considerable point, was the salient role of the press and the print media in the process of the revolution. Traditionally, there have been three types of journalism system in Egypt: the state-owned, independent and partisan (party-run) press. In this context, the researcher has tried to answer this question: how was the role and position of each type of these press systems in Egypt in the process of the revolution -especially since January 25th until February 11, the day that Mubarak resigned-, and how effective were these roles and positions on the Egyptian Revolution of 2011?<strong></strong></p><p>In this regard, in addition to detailed introduction of the newspapers of each press, the emphasis is to observe their views and positions accurately and portray the main discrepancies between the state-owned press with the independent and partisan papers.</p>As the findings of the research show, it seems in the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, the relative freedom of these traditional media in expressing their own views with the growth of the middle class, enabled Egypt to pass the Mubarak's thirty-year dictatorship by mobilizing their demands and forming powerful social movements.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (H16) ◽  
pp. 637-637
Author(s):  
P. S. Bretones

Eclipses are among the celestial events that draw the attention of the public. This paper discusses strategies for using eclipses as public communication opportunities in the media. It discusses the impact of articles written by the author and analysis of published material for 25 observed eclipses over the last 30 years by mass media in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. On each occasion, a standard article was posted on the Internet and sent to newspapers, radio and TV with information, such as: date, time and local circumstances; type of the eclipse; area of visibility; explanation; diagram of the phenomenon, and the Moon's path through Earth's shadow; eclipses in history; techniques of observation; getting photographs; place and event for public observation. Over the years, direct contact was maintained with the media and jounralists by the press offices of the institutions.


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