The Israeli Nationality Law: A Blueprint for a Twenty-first Century Settler-Colonial State

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-191
Author(s):  
Ilan Pappe

This article examines the recent Israeli Nationality Law within a historical context. It argues that the law in many ways manifests the settler-colonial identity of the State of Israel and as such the law embodies clearly both the achievements of the Zionist movement and Zionist future designs. The law is not an extreme right-wing document but rather an accurate reflection of the major characteristics of the Zionist settler-colonial movement in Palestine. Like all settler-colonial movements, the Zionist movement strove to include as few Palestinians as possible in it. The incomplete implementation of this goal during the 1948 Nakba has informed Israeli policies since 1948 and are the best explanation for the 2018 Nationality Law.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL F. MILLS

This article examines the politics of American “doomsday” prepping during Barack Obama's presidency. It challenges claims that growing interest in prepping post-2008 arose exclusively from extreme apocalyptic, white supremacist, and anti-government reactions to Obama's electoral successes – claims that suggest prepping to be politically congruent with previous waves of extreme right-wing American “survivalism.” Drawing on ethnography, this paper argues that, while fears of Obama have been central to many preppers’ activities, much of their prepping under his presidency centred on fears that sit outside survivalist politics. Building on this, the article illuminates connections between prepping and America's twenty-first-century electoral mainstream. Engaging with discussions about the “remaking” of American conservatism during Obama's presidency, it particularly frames prepping's growth as being engaged with, and shaped by, currents of mainstream anti-Obama fear that similarly undergirded the Tea Party's rise within popular Republicanism at this time.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torcuato S. Di Tella

GHIŢA IONESCU'S HOMELAND IS ONE OF THE MOST TROUBLED NATIONS in Europe. Its wounded national feeling has produced the strangest ideological combinations, mixing freely a fascist past with nostalgia for Ceausescu, as is the case with the Vatra Romaneasca (Romanian Homeland) movement, or the editors of the influential journal Romania Mare, adept at denouncing the ‘international Judaeo- Zionist-capitalist’ plot. One of the main theoreticians of corporatism, as is well known, was Mihail Manoilescu, while another Romanian intellectual, Ilie Badescu, created the ‘protocronist’ school of sociology, bent on documenting cultural and scientific findings in Romania which had anticipated later Western European developments. This approach was adopted officially during the Ceausescu regime, and now inspires some extreme right-wing groups which espouse a radical nationalist ideology. One of them, the Party of the National Right, admits to not being democratic, but compensates for this by proclaiming its ‘demophilia’, that is, its love for the people, a concept created by Petre Tutea, an admirer of the Iron Guard interwar fascist movement.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srđan Mladenov Jovanović

Abstract Twenty-first century Serbian nationalism has had little serious analysis. Most works concentrate heavily on the nineties and the wars of Yugoslav secession, which produced a wide variety of rampant forms of nationalism throughout former Yugoslavia. Since 5 October 2000, right-wingers have somewhat softened their line in public discourse and lost some of their popular appeal, but strong nationalist tendencies have remained, taking their place in Serbia’s social and political discourses. These tendencies have been concentrated around certain extreme right-wing groups, chief among them Dveri srpske, which has been active since the early nineties. After organizing itself politically, this movement has refurbished its image and discourse, and, in the April 2016 elections, has even succeeded in entering parliament. Here, the author analyses Dveri’s agenda and key convictions: antisemitism, an anti-EU stance, support for Putin’s Russia, clericalism, and homophobia. He also reviews Dveri’s change of image and discourse over time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-229
Author(s):  
Maria Clara Calheiros

The relationship between feminist theories and the law and literature movement is not new and has provided very fruitful analysis over many decades, ever since the 1970s. Twenty-first century literature, which includes L' Amica Geniale (My brilliant friend), even when describing stories and action that are placed in other historical times (in this case, in the historical context of the twentieth century), allows establishing an ever renewed dialogue with feminist theories, in its current expression. The author reviews the recent "rediscovery" of feminism and how some concepts evolved in the context of feminist theories. A concept to which she devotes attention is patriarchy, as it is paramount for understanding the connections that can be perceived to exist between feminist theories and FERRANTE's work. In the author’s opinion, the Neapolitan novels are eloquent in the portrait presented – complex, multifaceted, ambiguous even – of what it ultimately means to be a woman living in a patriarchal society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal

This essay analyzes the political motivations behind the Jewish Nation-State Bill introduced in the Knesset in November 2014, shedding light on the ascendancy of the Israeli political establishment's radical right wing. It argues that there were both internal and external factors at work and that it is only by examining these thoroughly that the magnitude of the racist agenda currently being promoted can be grasped. The essay also discusses the proposed legislation's long history and the implications of this effort to constitutionalize what amounts to majoritarian despotism in present-day Israel.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-93
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

Pater-jezuïet Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) heeft tijdens een korte periode in de jaren zestig een vrij belangrijke rol gespeeld in de herleving van het Vlaams-nationalisme op politiek vlak. Zijn religieuze staat hielp vele katholieke gelovigen een keuze voor de partij Volksunie legitimeren. Zijn keuze voor deze politieke activiteiten werd gemotiveerd door zijn denkbeelden die hij zijn “politieke theologie” noemde. In deze brontekst legt hij uit hoe zijn persoonlijke opvatting van de werkzaamheid van de goddelijke Drievuldigheid in de geschiedenis bepalend was voor zijn handelen. In zijn ogen was het anti-belgicisme van de Vlaams-nationalisten een verwezenlijking van de wil van God. Daarbij legitimeerde hij ook het moorddadige optreden van Vlaamse, nationaal-socialistische collaborateurs in dienst van het Derde Rijk tijdens de oorlog 1940-1945. Omwille van die uiterst-rechtse opstelling werd hij al snel uit de Volksunie geweerd. Hij zette zijn leven verder als spilfiguur van een kleine drukkingsgroep op de extreme rechtervleugel van het Vlaams-nationalisme.________"Hoe ik tot de politieke theologie kwam". Father Brauns looks back at the motivation for his public lifeDuring a short period in the nineteen-sixties the Jesuit Father Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) played a fairly important role in the revival of Flemish nationalism in the political arena. The fact that he was a religious helped many Catholic faithful to legitimise their vote for the party of the Flemish People’s Union. His involvement in these political activities was motivated by the concepts that he described as his political theology. In this source text he explained how his personal interpretation of the activity of the Holy Trinity in history had determined his actions. According to him the anti-Belgian attitude of the Flemish-Nationalists was a fulfilment of the will of God. At the same time he also legitimised the murderous actions of Flemish national socialist collaborators in the service of the Third Reich during the war 1940-1945. Because of that extreme-right position he was soon to be barred from the People’s Union. He carried on as a key figure of a small lobby on the extreme right wing of Flemish nationalism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Jablonka ◽  
Ehud Lamm

<p class="p1"><span class="s1"><strong>Abstract </strong></span>| Lamarck has left many legacies for future generations of biologists<span class="s2"><strong>. </strong></span>His best known legacy was an explicit suggestion, developed in the <em>Philosophie zoologique </em>(PZ), that the effects of use and disuse (acquired characters) can be inherited and can drive species transformation.This suggestion was formulated as two laws, which we refer to as the law of biological plasticity and the law of phenotypic continuity<span class="s2"><strong>. </strong></span>We put these laws in their historical context and distinguish between Lamarck’s key insights and later neo-Lamarckian interpretations of his ideas<span class="s2"><strong>.</strong></span>We argue that Lamarck’s emphasis on the role played by the organization of living beings and his physiological model of reproduction are directly relevant to 21st-century concerns, and illustrate this by discussing intergenerational genomic continuity and cultural evolution.</p>


Author(s):  
Umberto Laffi

Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Kristy Campion ◽  
Scott Poynting

Work on this special issue has spanned two years, bookended by two highly mediatized, violent, extreme right-wing attacks, perpetrated on opposite sides of the globe [...]


2007 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTINUS C. DE BOER

This article seeks a fresh answer to the difficult question of the meaning of the phrase τα στοιχεια του κοσμου in Gal 4.3. The answer is sought by paying close attention to (1) the argumentative context of Paul's use of the phrase in the letter (he posits some sort of equivalence between the veneration of τα στοιχεια του κοσμου and the observance of the Law; he does so for contextually relevant theological and rhetorical reasons), and (2) the cultural-historical context of the addressees, the Gentile believers in Galatia (τα στοιχεια are ‘the gods’ they once venerated; this veneration involved calendrical observances).


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