Decanting the Rabelaisian Casks: Accessing Neoplatonic Poetic Fury in Baudelaire's ‘L'Âme du vin’

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-279
Author(s):  
Robert J. Hudson ◽  
Kristen Foote
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Robust Version ◽  
Poetic Inspiration ◽  
Fleurs Du Mal

In one of the lesser-studied sections of Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du Mal, ‘Le Vin’, the poet offers a key to understanding the transcendence necessary for common post-Revolution Parisians to attain the proper poetic inspiration to create elevated verse. Divine or poetic Fury, a theoretically more robust version of other nineteenth-century ideas of intoxication, is at the heart of the section's threshold poem, ‘L'Âme du vin’, and establishes a bridge in Les Fleurs du mal linking the modern terrestrial wanderings of the ‘Tableaux parisiens’ to the celestial flights of the ‘Fleurs du mal’. Developed from Plato's Ion and Gallically codified by Rabelais, these theories filter to the aesthete Baudelaire, who decants this aged wine into a nineteenth-century vessel that lays old regime vertical hierarchies on their side and offers poetic intoxication to all who are willing to labour to become vessels of inspiration themselves.

Resilienz und Konstruktion von Sicherheit

2020 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 415-445
Author(s):  
Amerigo Caruso ◽  
Linda Hammann
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Social Resources ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Regime Changes ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Political Turmoil

AbstractProspero Balbo, the head of a leading Piedmontese noble family, followed a career path similar to that of the versatile French statesman Talleyrand. In the aftermath of 1789, Balbo served under four different regimes: the Old Regime monarchy, the Russian provisional administration of Piedmont in 1799, the Napoleonic empire, and the restored Savoy monarchy. After the short-lived revolutionary movement of 1821 in Sardinia-Piedmont, Prospero lost his job as interior minister and his son, Cesare, was forced into exile. The revolutionary waves of 1820–1821 were the most recent of numerous disruptive events and regime changes that jeopardized Europe and the Atlantic world between the late 1770 s and the early 1820 s. These five decades of revolutionary upheavals, wars, and persistent insecurity forced the traditional elites to mobilize their material, cultural, and social resources to preserve their prestige and power. Based on extensive archival research, this article examines the resilience-strengthening resources and strategies implemented by members of the Balbo family during periods of political turmoil. In doing so, the article aims to develop an analytical and conceptual framework to describe historical processes in terms of resilience and vulnerability. This new approach enables us to look afresh at elite transformations and at the dynamics of political change and continuity in early nineteenth-century Europe.

scholarly journals Urban and Rural Variants of Pre-industrial Demographic Regimes in Nineteenth-Century Brazil

2013 ◽  
pp. 71-75
Author(s):  
Maria Luiza Marcílio
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Subsistence Economies ◽  
The World ◽  
Preliminary Research ◽  
Demographic Regimes ◽  
Slave Population

Preliminary research in nineteenth-century Brazilian demographic data already indicates patterns different from the Old Regime model formulated for Europe. For Brazil there emerge four demographic regimes, involving degrees of isolation of population, access to natural resources, kinds of work, and relationship to the world economy: 1) subsistence economies; 2) plantation economies; 3) the slave population; and 4) urban areas, mostly ports. The slave population maintained its numbers by steady importation from Africa; the cities, by purchase of slaves and immigration from Europe.

The old regime of hygiene: Life in the nineteenth-century French countryside

Rural History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Zdatny
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Rural Life ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
History Of ◽  
Object Lesson ◽  
Material Conditions

AbstractThis article provides an object lesson in the history of thelongue durée, reflected in the comprehensive filthiness of rural life in the nineteenth century. Political upheaval had not changed the material conditions of peasant existence or sensibilities relating to hygiene. Economic revolution had as yet made no practical difference to the dirtiness of daily life. Peasants under the Second Empire lived much as they had under the Old Regime – in dark, damp houses with no conveniences, cheek by jowl with the livestock. Their largely unwashed bodies were wrapped in largely unchanged clothes. Babies were delivered with germ-covered hands, drank spoilt milk from dirty bottles, and spent their young days swaddled like mummies and marinating like teriyaki. The Third Republic set out to ‘civilize’ the rural masses, but this snapshot of material life in the nineteenth-century French countryside illustrates just how much work lay in front of it.

Bureaucracy and Nobility in Russia at the End of the Nineteenth Century

1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 605-628
Author(s):  
W. E. Mosse
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Significant Component ◽  
Landed Gentry ◽  
Ancien Régime

The Russian ruling elite, by the end of the nineteenth century, could be seen as being composed of three loosely defined elements, representing respectively the interests of the hereditary landed gentry, of a bureaucracy that was fast becoming hereditary and of emerging capitalist groups. Each of the three was a significant component of the old regime in Russia in its final decades, each fulfilled important social functions and each was, and was perceived to be, of importance for the Autocracy. It was their balance and interaction which helped to sustain the ancien régime in the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II.

Populism and Romantic Agony: A Russian Terrorist's Discovery of Baudelaire

Slavic Review ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Wanner
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Charles Baudelaire ◽  
Modern Poetry ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
Valerii Briusov ◽  
Fleurs Du Mal

Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867) has been hailed by followers in many countries as a forerunner of symbolism, if not as the father of modern poetry tout court. In Russia, Andrei Belyi celebrated him together with Nietzsche in 1909 as a "Patriarkh Simvolizma"; and Valerii Briusov wrote in the same year: "Is it possible to question the importance of Baudelaire's Fleurs du mal for the formation of the whole worldview of modernity?" Ellis (L.L. Kobylinskii), the most zealous of all Russian symbolist "Baudelaireans," even tried to convince the menshevik social democrat, N. Valentinov, that Baudelaire was "the greatest revolutionary of the nineteenth century, in comparison with whom all Marxes, Engelses, Bakunins, and the rest of the brotherhood which they created, are simply nothing."

Chateaubriand and Destutt de Tracy: Defining Religious and Secular Polarities in France at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century

1991 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph F. Byrnes
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Clear Definition ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Napoleonic Era ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Within ten years of the execution of Louis XVI two general and opposed features of the Old Regime, Catholic Christianity and Enlightenment rationality, were globally idealized by two authors—both of them former aristocrats— François-René de Chateaubriand (1768–1848) and Antoine-Louis-Claude Destutt de Tracy (1754–1836). No two participants in the complex discussion of religion and secularism that took place at the highest levels of government and Parisian intellectual life at the end of the First Republic and during the Napoleonic regime better represented on the one hand unconditional nostalgia for Catholicism, and on the other uncompromising intellectual pursuit of the secular scientific ideal. Though it has become customary to oppose the Neo-Christian intellectuals Chateaubriand, De Maistre, De Bonald, and Ballanche, to the Idéologues Destutt de Tracy, Cabanis, Maine de Biran, and others, I believe that this opposition can be clarified if the extremes represented by Chateaubriand and De Tracy are better defined. In other words, a clear definition of the personal metaphysics—thoughts and feelings—of Chateaubriand and De Tracy should establish the polarities of intellectual temperament that characterized the Napoleonic era.

Some Opinions on Exemption from Military Service in Nineteenth-Century Europe

1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuria Sales de Bohigas
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
De Se ◽  
First Time ◽  
Strong Contrast

In strong contrast with twentieth-century prevailing forms of military obligation (by which service, whenever exacted, is individual, uncommutable for money, untransferable, no social status or fortune providing a legal basis by itself for exemption), nineteenth-century standards as imposed for the first time in revolutionary France after 1792–1793, were based on principles such as those stated in 1776 in Massachusetts: “That no rank or station in life, employment or office … shall excuse or exempt any person from serving in arms for the defence of his country either by himself or some able-bodied effective man in his stead … or from paying the fine.” As the brokers who made it their business to provide substitutes put it, more crudely, “le conscrit paye sa dette de sa personne ou par celle de l'homme qu'il achete”. Whatever the reasons invoked to justify “rich man's money and poor man's blood”, “l'impôt de sang pour le pauvre, impôt d'argent pour le riche“ the basis for this bastard form of equality in face of military obligation, from a juridical point of view, could be defined as a transition between Old Regime frank inequality and post-1870 personl, uncommutable, untransferable obligation. It was best summed up in Napoleon's words: “Chez un peuple dont Pexistence repose sur l'inegalite des fortunes il faut laisser aux riches la faculte de se faire remplacer.”

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