scholarly journals Kepentingan Negara-Negara Arab (Uni Emirat Arab, Bahrain, Sudan dan Maroko) Melakukan Normalisasi Hubungan dengan Israel

Author(s):  
Yulia Rimapradesi ◽  
Ahmad Sahide

Arab states and Israel has for decades had dividing wall for diplomatic relations. The existence of ideological differences between Islam and Judaism as well as a long history of colonialism and conflict makes it difficult to unravel the conflict between of them. However, this seems to change, towards the end of 2020 with the encouragement of Donald Trump as president of the United States. Arab countries seem to forgot the events of the past and break up the wall that previously served as a barrier between them and Israel. The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco has reasons what they thinks are rationality that their initial stance in favor of Palestinian independence seems to be waning. This paper discuss about the interests of the Arab states in the the normalization of their relationship with Israel. The research method in this paper is qualitative method with inductive analysis with the latest data from various document sources as material for analysis. This paper concludes the interests of the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco are dominated by security and the economy for their countries.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-542
Author(s):  
Aleksey Mikhailovich Vasiliev ◽  
Natalia Aleksandrovna Zherlitsina

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the tenth anniversary of the revolutionary events in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), called the Arab Spring. The relevance of the study of the consequences of political transformations in Arab countries is due to the incompleteness of the modernization processes in such areas as public administration, justice and human rights, which gave rise to the discontent of the active part of society, which had initiated the protests. The idea of the research was to compare the causes of popular uprisings, the methods of political struggle, the main actors and the results of the Arab Spring for most of the countries affected by this process. Particular attention has been paid to the growing popularity of Islamist political forces, which have given their answers and pseudo-answers to acute societal issues. With the help of comparative and typological analysis, the peculiarities of different models of political development in the Middle East and North African countries have been studied. Over the past decade, world science has accumulated a significant layer of research on the Arab Spring phenomenon. The authors have taken into account a wide range of opinions of scholars from Europe, the United States, Turkey, Israel, and the Arab states. Aiming to assess the political transformation of the MENA region over the past 10 years, this study analyzes changes in the position of external actors such as Russia and the USA. The authors conclude that the influence of the US as a whole in the region has decreased, while the influence of Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia has increased. Israel has managed to strengthen its own security by establishing normal relations with a number of Arab states in the region. The popular unrest that erupted again in Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, Algeria, and Tunisia in 2018-2021 was objectively caused by the same conditions that had given rise to the Arab Spring and with the same uncertain results so far.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-79

Abstract The history of American-Hungarian relations has enjoyed renewed interest in the past thirty years. Despite this fact, there are still many uncovered or poorly documented episodes and persons concerning this academic territory. This article wishes to shed some light on one such character and period. It was in 1922 that the United States and Hungary established official diplomatic relations for the first time. Consequently the two countries exchanged ministers; thus, a long line of American ministers began to come and reside in Hungary. The very first of them was Theodore Brentano, who served five years in Budapest, between 1922 and 1927, but who seems to have disappeared from historical memory in both countries. Since 2022 marks the centenary of establishing diplomatic relations between the two countries, this article will introduce Theodore Brentano, the first American minister for Hungary and his work there. Brentano's years coincided with momentous events in Hungary in the post-Trianon era and were a time of relatively active relations between Washington and Budapest. Using primary and secondary sources alike, this article will hopefully illustrate a sorely missed part of the history of American-Hungarian history and rekindle interest in what took place a century ago.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Syahrul Adhim ◽  
Yuliati Yuliati

ABSTRACTThe author's aim in writing this article is to describe how the history of conflict is about the establishment or formation of a country. Regarding the discussion to be discussed in this article, the conflict that resulted in a war in the formation or establishment of the State of Israel within the territory of Arab countries including the Palestinian territories. Then, regarding the research method that will be used in writing this article is to use method library research where, in writing this article, it is done by looking for reference sources from journals, books, and scientific papers based on the title to be studied in this article. Then the results of the discussion of this article reveal that the history of the establishment of the State of Israel occurred because of the struggle for territorial power again over the glory of an ancestral nation in the past, until finally a nation that had an ancestral civilization in the past wanted to control the place again. For example, the Jewish nation wants the establishment of a state, namely the State of Israel. The nation controlled the Palestinian mainland slowly by slowly, until finally the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 resulted in a great war with the Arab nations around it, the war ended in 1973 and a peaceful agreement was made.


1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-182
Author(s):  
Michael W. Suleiman

In the past fifteen years, the MESA Bulletin has published numerous reports about research facilities in various Middle East countries, including several on Arab states (Zartman 1970; Williams 1970; Brown, Rollman, and Waterbury 1970; Coury 1971; Raccagni and Simmons 1972; Hudson 1972; Bechtold 1973, Zghal and Karoui 1973; Miller 1973; Hale and Hale 1975; Rassam 1976; Mandaville 1979; Anderson 1980; Reinhart 1980; Clancy-Smith 1984; Crystal 1984). None of these, however, has focused on doing survey research in the region. In part, this seemed to indicate a lack of interest in, and/or feasibility for, carrying out this type of research. In fact, when in 1973 MESA members were asked to share with their colleagues the data from surveys they had carried out, only twenty-one individuals responded, and in only nine cases were there survey data gathered in Arab states (“A Preliminary Listing …” 1974). Since then, the situation has improved somewhat. Thus, Palmer et al. (1982) have compiled an analytical index detailing more than 350 studies using survey research techniques in different Arab countries. Also in 1983, an international conference on the evaluation and application of survey research in the Arab world was held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy. The Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored the conference, which was attended by twenty-four individuals from the United States and seven Arab countries. A book based on the papers and proceedings of the conference will be published soon, edited by Tessler et al. (forthcoming).


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rouben Karapetyan

The textbook covers the main events and developments in the recent history of the Arab world. The key issues of the past and present of the major Arab countries are examined. The general patterns, main stages and peculiarities of the historical development of these countries are presented. The work is designed for students of the faculties of “Oriental Studies”, “History” and “International Relations”, as well as wide range of readers interested in the history of the Arab world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-142
Author(s):  
Esther B. Schupak

Abstract Because of its potential for fostering antisemitic stereotypes, in the twentieth century The Merchant of Venice has a history of being subject to censorship in secondary schools in the United States. While in the past it has often been argued that the play can be used to teach tolerance and to fight societal evils such as xenophobia, racism and antisemitism, I argue that this is no longer the case due to the proliferation of performance methods in the classroom, and the resultant emphasis on watching film and stage productions. Because images – particularly film images – carry such strong emotional valence, they have the capacity to subsume other pedagogical aspects of this drama in their emotional power and memorability. I therefore question whether the debate over teaching this play is truly a question of ‘censorship’, or simply educational choice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rashid I. Khalidi

This essay argues that what has been going on in Palestine for a century has been mischaracterized. Advancing a different perspective, it illuminates the history of the last hundred years as the Palestinians have experienced it. In doing so, it explores key historical documents, including the Balfour Declaration, Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, and UN Security Council Resolution 242, none of which included the Palestinians in key decisions impacting their lives and very survival. What amounts to a hundred years of war against the Palestinians, the essay contends, should be seen in comparative perspective as one of the last major colonial conflicts of the modern era, with the United States and Europe serving as the metropole, and their extension, Israel, operating as a semi-independent settler colony. An important feature of this long war has been the Palestinians' continuing resistance, against heavy odds, to colonial subjugation. Stigmatizing such resistance as “terrorism” has successfully occluded the real history of the past hundred years in Palestine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-526
Author(s):  
Firdaus Armanda ◽  
Syahrizal Abbas

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui mengapa qanun jinayat menggunakan emas murni sebagai standar dalam jarimah maisir dan uqubat denda terhadap pelaku jinayat. Selain itu, apa menjadi dasar filosofis, yuridis, dan sosiologis bagi penentuan standar uqubat denda terhadap pelaku jinayat. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif-kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa uqubat emas murni yang terdapat dalam Qanun Jinayat tidak terlepas dari sejarah masyarakat Aceh yang kental dengan nilai keislaman, sehingga uqubat emas murni yang dikenal dalam Islam diambil juga dalam qanun. Terdapat tiga faktor yang mempengaruhi penetapan uqubat emas murni yang terdapat dalam qanun Aceh, yaitu faktor filosofis, yuridis, dan sosiologis. Pure Gold Uqubat In Jinayat Qanun This study aims to find out why the qanun Jinayat uses pure gold as the standard in jarimah maisir and uqubat (fines) against perpetrators of jinayat. Moreover, what is philosophical, juriditical, and sociological basis for determining the uqubat standard for fines for jinayat perpetrators. The research method used is descriptive-qualitative method. The results showed that pure gold uqubat contained in jinayat qanun is inseparable from the history of the Achenese which is thick with islamic values, so the pure gold uqubat is also taken from qanun. There are three factors that influece the establishment of pure gold uqubat stipulate in Aceh qanun, namely philosophical, juridical, and sociological factors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 141-158
Author(s):  
Scott Anderson

Over the past two years, we have really seen the Trump administration make treaty withdrawal something of a signature move, from the Treaty of Amity with Iran to the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, to the Optional Protocol for the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The administration has taken steps to remove the United States, rightly or wrongly, from a wide array of longstanding international legal obligations. And while it is far from unprecedented, the administration has done so at a little bit of a faster pace than certain prior administrations have—and has embedded a lot of these moves within a consistent critique of international institutions and international commitments that promises further change on the horizon.


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