scholarly journals (Re)Shaping History in Bosnian and Herzegovinian Museums

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-329
Author(s):  
Vanja Lozic
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
National Museum ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
History Museum ◽  
The Past ◽  
Current Article ◽  
The Republic

The current article explores how political changes in the past 130 years have shaped and reshaped three major museums in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The overall aim is to describe structural processes of national museum building in BiH and the ways the museological representation of history is connected to state and nation making and to political transitions and crises. The analysed museums are the National Museum of BiH, the History Museum of BiH, and the Museum of the Republic of Srpska. The source material analysed consists of the directories and the titles of exhibitions; secondary material, which describes previous exhibitions; and virtual museum tours. The article illustrates that during the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, which established the National Museum in 1888, the museum played an important part in the representation of Bosnian identity (bosnjastvo). After World War II, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, all three analysed museums were summoned to interpret the past in accordance with the guidelines of the communist regime. Since the 1990s, a highly ethnicized process of identity building and of the musealization of heritage, and history permeates all three museums analysed here. When it comes to the central exhibition-themes following the 1990s war, one could conclude that whereas the National Museum and the History Museum highlight the recent creation of an independent BiH and ostracize BIH-Serbs, the Museum of the Republic of Srpska asserts the ostensible distinctiveness of the Republic of Srpska and excludes the narratives about BiH as a unified and independent nation-state. If an agreement about the future of BiH and its history is to be reached, a step towards multi-vocal historical narratives has to be made from both sides.

The Suffering of the Perpetrators: The Ethics of Traumatic German Historicity in Karen Bass's Young Adult World War II Novels

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Doris Wolf
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Young Adult ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Childhood Studies ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Adult World ◽  
The Public Sphere

This paper examines two young adult novels, Run Like Jäger (2008) and Summer of Fire (2009), by Canadian writer Karen Bass, which centre on the experiences of so-called ordinary German teenagers in World War II. Although guilt and perpetration are themes addressed in these books, their focus is primarily on the ways in which Germans suffered at the hands of the Allied forces. These books thus participate in the increasingly widespread but still controversial subject of the suffering of the perpetrators. Bringing work in childhood studies to bear on contemporary representations of German wartime suffering in the public sphere, I explore how Bass's novels, through the liminal figure of the adolescent, participate in a culture of self-victimisation that downplays guilt rather than more ethically contextualises suffering within guilt. These historical narratives are framed by contemporary narratives which centre on troubled teen protagonists who need the stories of the past for their own individualisation in the present. In their evacuation of crucial historical contexts, both Run Like Jäger and Summer of Fire support optimistic and gendered narratives of individualism that ultimately refuse complicated understandings of adolescent agency in the past or present.

The Reichstag and the New Berlin

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Ann Ross
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
German Society ◽  
German History ◽  
World War ◽  
History Museum ◽  
The Past ◽  
German Parliament ◽  
The City ◽  
Democratic Country

This work examines the Reichstag’s emblematic role in Berlin’s history. Today the Reichstag is a major tourist attraction and home to Germany’s democratic parliament. However, the building has had a complicated history spanning five distinct times in German history: the Imperial Age and World War I, the troubled Weimar Republic, Nazism and World War II, the divided Cold War, and finally a unified Germany. The progressions of the building mirror those of German society and the city of Berlin over the pasts century, culminating in the vibrant Western European democratic country, city, and building we see today. Specifically, the revitalization of the Reichstag building itself through Christo’s wrapping project and Sir Norman Foster’s reconstruction were vital steps for a torn city to embrace its past while transitioning the building from a history museum into the seat of the German parliament. Furthermore, this change is emblematic of Berlin as a whole, in its quest for its own Hauptstadtkultur as the capital moved back to Berlin from Bonn. Architecture has played a significant role in this New Berlin, and the case of the Reichstag building is no different. Foster’s design, adding a modernist glass and steel dome to the nineteenth century building, emphasizes political transparency while maintaining traces of the past. Focusing on the example of the Reichstag, I argue that this merging of history and hope for the future has proved essential and successful, though often controversial, in recreating a unified, vibrant, and strong Berlin.

Cosmetic Allergen in the Past and Present

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Normal Skin ◽  
World War ◽  
Patch Tests ◽  
The Past ◽  
Skin Conditions ◽  
Cosmetic Dermatitis ◽  
Facial Dermatitis ◽  
International Research Project

For almost 20 years after the end of World War II, many Japanese women were challenged by a dark secondary hyper pigmentation on their faces. The causation of this condition was unknown and incurable at the time. However this symptom became curable after a number of new cosmetic allergens were discovered through patch tests and as an aftermath, various cosmetics and soaps that eliminated all these allergens were put into production to be used exclusively for these patients. An international research project conducted by seven countries was set out to find out the new allergens and discover non-allergic cosmetic materials. Due to these efforts, two disastrous cosmetic primary sensitizers were banned and this helped to decrease allergic cosmetic dermatitis. Towards the end of the 20th century, the rate of positives among cosmetic sensitizers decreased to levels of 5% - 8% and have since maintained its rates into the 21th century. Currently, metal ions such as the likes of nickel have been identified as being the most common allergens found in cosmetics and cosmetic instruments. They often produce rosacea-like facial dermatitis and therefore allergen controlled soaps and cosmetics have been proved to be useful in recovering normal skin conditions.

The Specter of the Past: Reconstructing Conservative Historical Memory in South Korea

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-362
Author(s):  
Myungji Yang
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
New Right ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.

An ‘Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History

1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Reid
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Economic History ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Increased Sensitivity ◽  
Asian History

Since the end of World War II the study of Southeast Asia has changed unrecognizably. The often bitter end of colonialism caused a sharp break with older scholarly traditions, and their tendency to see Southeast Asia as a receptacle for external influences—first Indian, Persian, Islamic or Chinese, later European. The greatest gain over the past forty years has probably been a much increased sensitivity to the cultural distinctiveness of Southeast Asia both as a whole and in its parts. If there has been a loss, on the other hand, it has been the failure of economic history to advance beyond the work of the generation of Furnivall, van Leur, Schrieke and Boeke. Perhaps because economic factors were difficult to disentangle from external factors they were seen by very few Southeast Asianists as the major challenge.

scholarly journals Preface: The Historical Geography of the Hungarian Nation

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-376
Author(s):  
Andrew Ludanyi
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
World War ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
East European ◽  
The Past ◽  
French And English ◽  
The Subject

The fate of Hungarian minorities in East Central Europe has been one of the most neglected subjects in the Western scholarly world. For the past fifty years the subject—at least prior to the late 1980s—was taboo in the successor states (except Yugoslavia), while in Hungary itself relatively few scholars dared to publish anything about this issue till the early 1980s. In the West, it was just not faddish, since most East European and Russian Area studies centers at American, French and English universities tended to think of the territorial status quo as “politically correct.” The Hungarian minorities, on the other hand, were a frustrating reminder that indeed the Entente after World War I, and the Allies after World War II, made major mistakes and significantly contributed to the pain and anguish of the peoples living in this region of the “shatter zone.”

Leaning on Legionnaires: Why Modern States Recruit Foreign Soldiers

2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-195
Author(s):  
Elizabeth M.F. Grasmeder
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Test Case ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Past ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Rapid Changes ◽  
Multimethod Approach

Abstract Why do modern states recruit legionnaires—foreigners who are neither citizens nor subjects of the country whose military they serve? Rather than exclusively enlist citizens for soldiers, for the past two centuries states have mobilized legionnaires to help wage offensives, project power abroad, and suppress dissent. A supply-and-demand argument explains why states recruit these troops, framing the choice to mobilize legionnaires as a function of political factors that constrain the government's leeway to recruit domestically and its perceptions about the territorial threats it faces externally. A multimethod approach evaluates these claims, first by examining an original dataset of legionnaire recruitment from 1815 to 2020, then by employing congruence tests across World War II participants, and finally by conducting a detailed review of a hard test case for the argument—Nazi Germany. The prevalence of states’ recruitment of legionnaires calls for a reevaluation of existing narratives about the development of modern militaries and provides new insights into how states balance among the competing imperatives of identity, norms, and security. Legionnaire recruitment also underscores the need to recalibrate existing methods of calculating net assessments and preparing for strategic surprise. Far from being bound to a state's citizenry or borders, the theory and evidence show how governments use legionnaires to buttress their military power and to engineer rapid changes in the quality and quantity of the soldiers that they field.

Dr. Radan Angelov Sarafov and his sacrifice for democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-247
Author(s):  
Ilko Drenkov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The People ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Public Audience ◽  
The Cold War

Dr. Radan Sarafov (1908-1968) lived actively but his life is still relatively unknown to the Bulgarian academic and public audience. He was a strong character with an ulti-mate and conscious commitment to democratic Bulgaria. Dr. Sarafov was chosen by IMRO (Inner Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) to represent the idea of coop-eration with Anglo-American politics prior to the Second World War. Dr. Sarafov studied medicine in France, specialized in the Sorbonne, and was recruited by Colonel Ross for the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), remaining undisclosed after the with-drawal of the British legation in 1941. After World War II, he continued to work for foreign intelligence and expanded the spectrum of cooperation with both France and the United States. After WWII, Sarafov could not conform to the reign of the communist regime in Bulgaria. He made a connection with the Anglo-American intelligence ser-vices and was cooperating with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for more than a decade. Sarafov was caught in 1968 and convicted by the Committee for State Securi-ty (CSS) in Bulgaria. The detailed review of the past events and processes through personal drama and commitment reveals the disastrous core of the communist regime. The acknowledgment of the people who sacrificed their lives in the name of democrat-ic values is always beneficial for understanding the division and contradictions from the time of the Cold War.

Ascesa e declino dell'editoria psicoanalitica americana

2009 ◽  
pp. 9-46
Author(s):  
Paul E. Stepansky
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Book Publishing ◽  
The United States ◽  
Erik Erikson ◽  
World War ◽  
Erich Fromm ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
Karen Horney ◽  
Internal Fragmentation

- The rise and fall of psychoanalytic book publishing in America is one sign of the progressive marginalization of psychoanalysis within American mental health care. The "glory era" of psychoanalytic book publishing, roughly the quarter century following the end of World War II, is described. This was the era when psychoanalyst-authors such as Karl Menninger, Erich Fromm, Erik Erikson, and Karen Horney published books of great commercial success. Cumulative sales data of noteworthy psychoanalytic books published in the United States over the past 70 years are reported, and document the continuous decline in sales since the 1970s. In accounting for the recent acceleration of this decline, Stepansky focuses on the internal fragmentation of a once cohesive profession into rival schools with sectarian features, each committed to a self-limited reading agenda. Stepansky discusses these issues from his vantage point as Managing Director of The Analytic Press from 1984-2006. [KEY WORDS: American psychoanalysis, publishing, books, fractionation, marginalization]

CIRCUITS OF POWER: CHINA'S QUEST FOR CABLE TELEGRAPH RIGHTS 1912–1945

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Shuge Wei
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
The Republic

ABSTRACTThis article examines China’s efforts to restore cable telegraph rights from the establishment of the Republic of China to the end of World War II. Challenging the conventional dichotomy of “Chinese” and “Western” actors in rights recovery issues, this article explores the intricate power relations between foreign cable companies, international interests groups and various political factions in China. It analyses China’s reclaim of cable sovereignty in three phases, each characterised by a particular controversy—the intra-clique struggle of the Communications Clique during the early Republic and the warlord era; the rivalry between the Nationalist Party, military and the state during the Nanjing decade; and the direct Sino-Japanese conflict during wartime. The article presents the argument that for the various interest groups, ideologies such as imperialism and nationalism served as rhetoric in their respective pursuits. It was the daily political tensions that played a crucial role in shaping how cable policies were devised.

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