scholarly journals Belonging and Global Citizenship in a STEM University

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 803
Author(s):  
Julianne K. Viola

For the past two decades, there has been a resurgence in the actualization of civic missions in universities; these universities have continued to demonstrate commitment to educate for the purpose of global citizenship. Global citizenship is both a skillset and a mindset. As universities engage in efforts to increase students’ capabilities for living and working in a diverse society, research in this area has often focused on students of social science disciplines in the United States, presenting an opportunity for an investigation into students’ sense of belonging and global citizenship in the STEM university context in the United Kingdom. Building on prior civic scholarship, which defines citizenship in part as a sense of belonging, this paper presents interview data from a longitudinal, mixed-methods study at a STEM university in the United Kingdom to explore the meanings and experiences of students’ belonging in a multicultural institution, and their attitudes about current political issues before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study presents theoretical and practical implications for citizenship education research and practice.

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-910
Author(s):  
Robert E. Goodin ◽  
James Mahmud Rice

Judging from Gallup Polls in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia, opinion often changes during an election campaign. Come election day itself, however, opinion often reverts back nearer to where it was before the campaign began. That that happens even in Australia, where voting is compulsory and turnout is near-universal, suggests that differential turnout among those who have and have not been influenced by the campaign is not the whole story. Inspection of individual-level panel data from 1987 and 2005 British General Elections confirms that between 3 and 5 percent of voters switch voting intentions during the campaign, only to switch back toward their original intentions on election day. One explanation, we suggest, is that people become more responsible when stepping into the poll booth: when voting they reflect back on the government's whole time in office, rather than just responding (as when talking to pollsters) to the noise of the past few days' campaigning. Inspection of Gallup Polls for UK snap elections suggests that this effect is even stronger in elections that were in that sense unanticipated.


1871 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. B. Sprague

The past session of Parliament has witnessed the passing of an Act for the regulation of Life Assurance Companies in the United Kingdom, which, while introducing great changes in the law, still stops very far short of the system of legislation which has been for several years in operation in a few of the United States of America, and which is warmly approved of and urgently recommended for adoption by some persons in this country. The present may therefore be considered a fitting time for reviewing what has been done and considering whether any further legislation is desirable, and if any, of what nature it should be.


Author(s):  
Leighton Vaughan-Williams ◽  
David Paton

Over the past decade, U.K. gambling sector has experienced several regulatory shocks that have led to considerable debate and controversy within the industry and policy-making communities. Although there is a well-established literature on the economic impact of the growth of gambling facilities on local and regional economies in the United States and the United Kingdom, relatively little research has focused on optimal taxation of gambling machines within these facilities. This chapter seeks to address this gap by examining the theoretical arguments for taxing gambling machines by means of a levy on machine takings rather than by means of a license fee levied per machine. Recent tax debates in the United Kingdom provide an ideal context for such a discussion.


Author(s):  
Katherine Byrne

Certainly the most successful period drama, indeed perhaps the most popular television show, of the 21st century, British series Downton Abbey (2010–2015) has become a force to be reckoned with in popular culture. It borrows the format of popular 1970s series Upstairs Downstairs (ITV), following the lives of a fictional Edwardian family and the servants who look after them in the eponymous house. Season 1 opens in 1912 with the sinking of the Titanic, in which the heir to Downton is lost: the plot then follows the family coming to terms with the arrival of the next in line, a middle-class lawyer with a very different view of life from their own. The next five seasons—there are six in total—follow the inhabitants as they cope with the change the 20th century brings, including the First World War; the woman’s movement, which liberates some of the female characters; and the changes in taxation and society, which make the estate increasingly difficult to maintain and run. The last episode is set in 1925, and a film based on the show is due out in 2019. The series was loved by fans both in the United Kingdom and the United States, but received very mixed critical reception. Critics on the left criticized the show for its glossy and nostalgic view of the past, and of interclass relations, linking its ideology to the politics of its writer, Conservative peer Julian Fellowes. Others praised its positive view of human nature and escapist charm, at a time when austerity was making itself felt in the United Kingdom. Either way, it undoubtedly rekindled viewers’ appetite for period drama on a scale not seen since the 1970s, and has also stirred up debate about the part played by television in representing, accessing, and understanding the past.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198933
Author(s):  
Jessie Blackbourn

Over the past two decades, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States, a number of countries have enacted new laws tailored specifically to the threat posed by Islamic extremist terrorism. This includes recent legislation that has criminalised behaviour associated with ‘foreign terrorist fighters’, such as the act of travel to, or fighting in, foreign conflicts. This legislative response reflects the enactment of earlier laws, with measures designed for prior iterations of the contemporary Islamic extremist terrorist threat, such as control orders and preventative detention orders, prohibitions on extremist speech and disseminating terrorist propganda and the criminalisation of terrorist training. Yet despite the focus on Islamic extremist terrorism, this is not the only terrorist threat that Western democracies face. The rise of far-right terrorism in recent years has, however, not seen the same recourse to new legislation as has been the case for Islamic extremist terrorism. Using Australia and the United Kingdom as case studies, this article assesses the extent to which counterterrorism legislation has been used to deal with the particular threat posed by far-right terrorism. In doing so, it evaluates the lessons that might be learned from applying counterterrorism legislation designed for one particular terrorist threat to other types of terrorism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110106
Author(s):  
Hanne M. Watkins ◽  
Mengyao Li ◽  
Aurélien Allard ◽  
Bernhard Leidner

We remember the past in order not to repeat it, but does remembrance of war in fact shape support for military or diplomatic approaches to international conflict? In seven samples from five countries (collected online, total N = 2,493), we examined support for military and diplomatic approaches to conflict during war commemorations (e.g., Veterans Day). During war commemorations in the United States, support for diplomacy increased, whereas support for military approaches did not change. We found similar results in the United Kingdom and Australia on Remembrance Day, but not in Germany, or France, nor in Australia on Anzac Day. Furthermore, support for diplomacy was predicted by concern about loss of ingroup military lives during war, independently of concern about harm to outgroup civilians. These studies expand our understanding of how collective memories of war may be leveraged to promote diplomatic approaches to contemporary geopolitical conflict.


F1000Research ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris R. Kenyon ◽  
Irith De Baetselier ◽  
Tania Crucitti

Background: It is unclear why antimicrobial resistance in Neisseria gonorrhoeae in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States has tended to first appear in men who have sex with men (MSM). We hypothesize that increased exposure to antimicrobials from intensive STI screening programmes plays a role. Methods: We assess if there is a difference in the distribution of azithromycin, cefixime and ceftriaxone minimum inhibitory concentrations (MICs) between MSM and women in the United Kingdom (UK) where 70% of MSM report STI screening in the past year vs. Belgium where 9% report STI screening in the past year. Our hypothesis is that MICs of the MSM should be higher than those of the women in the UK but not Belgium. Data for the MICs were taken from the Gonococcal Resistance to Antimicrobials Surveillance Programme (GRASP) in the UK in 2010/2011 and 2014 and a similar national surveillance programme in Belgium in 2013/2014 (the first most complete available data). We used the Mann–Whitney test to compare the MIC distributions between MSM and women within each country Results: In the UK the MICs for all three antimicrobials were significantly higher in MSM than women at both time points (P all <0.0005). In Belgium only the MIC distribution for azithromycin was higher in MSM (P<0.0005). Conclusion: The findings for cefixime and ceftriaxone, but not azithromycin are compatible with our hypothesis that screening-intensity could contribute to the emergence of AMR. Numerous other interpretations of our results are discussed.


Author(s):  
Stephen Marshall

Technology and change are so closely related that the use of the word innovation seems synonymous with technology in many contexts, including that of higher education. This paper contends that university culture and existing capability constrain such innovation and to a large extent determine the nature and extent of organisational change. In the absence of strong leadership, technologies are simply used as vehicles to enable changes that are already intended or which reinforce the current identity. These contentions are supported by evidence from e-learning benchmarking activities carried out over the past five years in universities in the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariela Gross

Nowhere in legal history has the nexus between past and present received more attention in recent years than in the study of slavery. The memory of slavery has become a field of study in itself, and competing histories of slavery have animated contemporary legal and political debates. Today, new histories of capitalism have further illuminated the central role of slavery and the slave trade in building the modern Atlantic world. Across Europe, the United Kingdom, Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States, new memorials, museums, and commemorations of slavery and abolition have brought new kinds of public engagement to the slave past. In the era of Black Lives Matter, understanding the connections between that past and the present day has never seemed more important, and historians are struggling with the question of how to engage the present in a historically nuanced way. One kind of engagement between past and present, among historians, lawyers, and activists, has been to draw connections between slavery in the past and in the present.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document