scholarly journals Threats to Women/Women as Threats: Male Supremacy and the Anti-Statist Right

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Chelsea Ebin
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
White Men ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Historical Trends ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Male Supremacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Elected Office ◽  
Trump Administration

Throughout the Trump administration, media coverage of extremist factions of the American right grew considerably, as did the actual membership and numbers of those factions. Included among these factions, and operating on a spectrum that ranges from the center-to-fringe right, are white supremacist, Christian nationalist, and militia/patriot/sovereign citizen (broadly termed constitutionalist) movements. While the American right is heterogeneous, most of these groups are composed of white men, and male supremacism is often a common ideological denominator. Based on historical trends, recent activity, and ongoing movement mobilizations, we should anticipate increased recruitment and activism on the part of anti-statist right-wing groups during the Biden administration. While much has been written about the threat of terroristic violence these groups pose and their varying levels of engagement with white supremacist beliefs, examinations of gender have largely focused on masculinity. This note takes up the relationship between anti-statist right-wing movements and women by sketching three key areas that warrant further examination: (1) how collective interpretations of the law leave women vulnerable by refusing the legitimacy of federal legislation; (2) the threat of militia violence against women, particularly those who hold elected office; (3) how racial and gender exclusions preclude women from having their claims to membership in anti-statist right-wing movements be fully recognized. As we take stock of the growing threat posed by these movements, it is incumbent on us to critically examine the threats to women’s rights posed by the anti-statist right.

AI becomes her: Discussing gender and artificial intelligence

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Pedro Costa ◽  
Luísa Ribas
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article seeks to understand why femininity seems to be often present in artificial intelligence and tackle the questions that arise when this phenomenon is subject to closer inspection. It draws on a previous study on the relationship between gender and AI, complemented by an analysis of digital assistants such as Alexa, Cortana, Google Assistant and Siri that reveals how these entities tend to be feminized through their anthropomorphization, the tasks that they perform and their behavioural traits. Furthering this discussion, this article addresses current trends of development of digital assistants and their stance towards gender, considering the functions or features that are being prioritized in AI evolution. It then focuses on the main questions raised by researchers and academics when examining the phenomenon and confronts these views with discussions around the feminization of AI in the context of online media coverage. This debate also highlights how common conceptions of AI and its portrayals of gender are influenced by bodies of fiction. Finally, the project Conversations with ELIZA seeks to comment on this phenomenon by ironically exposing and reinforcing common stereotypes and gender assumptions. In this manner, this study seeks to incite reflection on how artificial intelligence is reflecting our social and cultural views back to us.

scholarly journals The Finns Party: Euroscepticism, Euro Crisis, Populism and the Media

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juha Herkman
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Big Bang ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Euro Crisis ◽  
Media Portrayal ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Media ◽  
A Minor ◽  
European Parliament Elections ◽  
The Relationship

In many European countries, populist right-wing parties have been most noticeable representatives of Euroscepticism. In Finland, the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset) has been a constant promoter of organisational Euroscepticism through its leader, Timo Soini. The party broke through in Finland’s ‘big bang elections’ of 2011, when the most debated issue was the European economic crisis, which was dominated by Eurosceptic Soini. Research concerning the relationship between the media, populism and Euroscepticism usually focus on national or European Parliament elections. This study analyses the media portrayal of the Eurosceptic Finns Party during times other than elections, focusing on the Finland’s overall Euro crisis press coverage in 2010–2012. The analysis shows that the populist Finns Party has been a minor player in that coverage, which was dominated by the Euro positive political and economic elites. Differences between newspapers indicate that journalistic routines and political context direct media coverage toward particular framings, even when the media proclaims itself politically independent and neutral.

scholarly journals Conspiratorial medievalism: History and hyperagency in the far-right Knights Templar security imaginary

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110109
Author(s):  
Katharine M Millar ◽  
Julia Costa Lopez
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
White Men ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Public ◽  
Individual Agency ◽  
Knights Templar ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Imagery associated with the Knights Templar appears in the public discourse and symbolism of many white supremacist and white nationalist groups. The 2011 Norwegian mass murderer cited the Templars in his manifesto, as did the 2019 New Zealand shooter. Templar crosses were on display at the 2017 white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina. To understand the security imaginary behind these racialised medievalisms and their contemporary animation within right-wing extremism, this article develops the concept of ‘conspiratorial medievalism’. The Knights Templar imaginary blends a specific, racialised, and romanticised vision of history with the grammar of conspiracy theory. This is characterised by (a) a belief in the racialised decline and victimisation of a ‘righteous’ White Christendom; (b) a sense of threat posed by racialised Others and betrayal by insiders; and (c) an anachronistic view of near-omnipotent individual agency. Significantly, conspiratorial medievalism demonstrates an aspiration to not merely combat ‘undue’ agency of racialised Others, but to reclaim and perform extreme agency themselves. Agency is cast in the idiom of medieval chivalry and framed as the moral obligation of righteous White men. Although Knights Templar imagery may appear superficial, this article finds it is an important justificatory and enabling discourse for racist violence.

Bringing Party Ideology Back In: Do Left-Wing Parties Enhance the Share of Women MPs?

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 547-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Santana ◽  
Susana Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analyses ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Comprehensive Information ◽  
Party Ideology ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyzes the relationship between parties and the representation of women in Spanish subnational legislatures. We argue that studies on party ideology and gender have generally failed to (a) acknowledge the effect of electoral time: the left started to recruit women earlier, when their number was low and they were mainly perceived as liabilities; and (b) distinguish between two different party mechanisms: parties can be gate openers and ease the access of newcomers to the legislature, and they can be career promoters, which facilitate the parliamentary continuity of incumbents. Drawing on a database containing comprehensive information about the population of regional members of parliament (MPs) (N = 5,353) in 138 elections and focusing on the two most prominent parties, the conservative People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), we test the hypothesis that left-wing parties outperform right-wing parties concerning gender representation. Our statistical analyses show that electoral time blurs the effect of ideology on the share of women MPs. Once time is controlled for, the socialists emerge as systematically recruiting more women. Concerning the two mechanisms, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party fares better as a gate opener, while the People's Party, unexpectedly, excels as a career promoter.

The Relationship of Digit Ratio (2D:4D) and Gender-Role Orientation in Four National Samples

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan J. Troche ◽  
Nina Weber ◽  
Karina Hennigs ◽  
Carl-René Andresen ◽  
Thomas H. Rammsayer
Keyword(s):  
Gender Role ◽  
Sex Role ◽  
Role Orientation ◽  
Sexually Dimorphic ◽  
Gender Role Orientation ◽  
Left Hand ◽  
Fourth Finger ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract. The ratio of second to fourth finger length (2D:4D ratio) is sexually dimorphic with women having higher 2D:4D ratio than men. Recent studies on the relationship between 2D:4D ratio and gender-role orientation yielded rather inconsistent results. The present study examines the moderating influence of nationality on the relationship between 2D:4D ratio and gender-role orientation, as assessed with the Bem Sex-Role Inventory, as a possible explanation for these inconsistencies. Participants were 176 female and 171 male university students from Germany, Italy, Spain, and Sweden ranging in age from 19 to 32 years. Left-hand 2D:4D ratio was significantly lower in men than in women across all nationalities. Right-hand 2D:4D ratio differed only between Swedish males and females indicating that nationality might effectively moderate the sexual dimorphism of 2D:4D ratio. In none of the examined nationalities was a reliable relationship between 2D:4D ratio and gender-role orientation obtained. Thus, the assumption of nationality-related between-population differences does not seem to account for the inconsistent results on the relationship between 2D:4D ratio and gender-role orientation.

The Relationship between Body Image and Exercise Adherence in Fitness Centre Exercising Sample

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (80) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasa Jankauskienė ◽  
Brigita Miežienė
Keyword(s):  
Body Image ◽  
Exercise Adherence ◽  
Physical Activity Promotion ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Social Physique Anxiety ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Activity Promotion ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Body Self ◽  
The Relationship

Research background and hypothesis. The analysis of factors which might infl uence exercise adherence is important issue for physical activity promotion. Studies show that exercisers’ body image is important factor associated with well being, exercise motivation and specifi c exercise–related behaviour.Research aim was is to examine the relationship between exercise adherence, body image and social physique anxiety in a sample of fi tness centre participants. Research methods. Members of fi tness centres (n = 217, 66 of them were women) provided their answers on exercise experience, in three subscales (appearance evaluation, appearance orientation and overweight preoccupation) of The Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ-AS; Brown et al., 1990) and Social Physique Anxiety Scale (SPAS; Hart et al., 1989). Mean age of the sample was 29.02 (9.85) years (range = 18–68 years).Research results. Women demonstrated higher appearance orientation, overweight preoccupation and social physique anxiety compared to men. However, we observed no signifi cant differences in appearance evaluation, appearance orientation and overweight preoccupation in the groups of different exercise experience of men and women. When overweight respondents (≥ 25 kg / m²) were excluded from the analysis, there were no statistically signifi cant differences observed in body image and social physique anxiety in exercise experience groups of men and women. Exercising longer than 6 years signifi cantly predicted overweight preoccupation [95% CI: 1.25–16.94] controlled by age and gender. Discussion and conclusions. Exercising men demonstrated more positive body image and lower social physique anxiety compared to women, except for appearance evaluation. There were observed no body image and social physique relationships with exercise adherence observed in the sample of fi tness centre participants, however, exercise experience longer than 6 years predicted overweight preoccupation.Keywords: body image concerns, exercise experience, self-presentation.

Gender Ideology and Fertility: Evidence for a Curvilinear Hypothesis

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serena Stefani ◽  
Gabriele Prati
Keyword(s):  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Curvilinear Relationship ◽  
World Population ◽  
Fertility Rates ◽  
The World ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Using Data ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
The Relationship

Research on the relationship between fertility and gender ideology revealed inconsistent results. In the present study, we argue that inconsistencies may be due to the fact that such relationship may be nonlinear. We hypothesize a U- shaped relationship between two dimensions of gender ideology (i.e. primacy of breadwinner role and acceptance of male privilege) and fertility rates. We conducted a cross-national analysis of 60 countries using data from the World Values Survey as well as the World Population Prospects 2019. Controlling for gross domestic product, we found support for a U-shaped relationship between gender ideology and fertility. Higher levels of fertility rates were found at lower and especially higher levels of traditional gender ideology, while a medium level of gender ideology was associated with the lowest fertility rate. This curvilinear relationship is in agreement with the phase of the gender revolution in which the country is located. Traditional beliefs are linked to a complementary division of private versus public sphere between sexes, while egalitarian attitudes are associated with a more equitable division. Both conditions strengthen fertility. Instead, as in the transition phase, intermediate levels of gender ideology’s support are associated with an overload and a difficult reconciliation of the roles that women have to embody (i.e. working and nurturing) so reducing fertility. The present study has contributed to the literature by addressing the inconsistencies of prior research by demonstrating that the relationship between gender ideology and fertility rates is curvilinear rather than linear.

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