scholarly journals Popular Republicanism versus Populism: Articulating the People

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 366
Author(s):  
Peter A. Kraus
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Critical Difference ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Scaling Down

In problematic ways, populism has become a catch-all formula used with discretion to capture all kinds of discontent with democratic politics today. Populism is not only an essentially contested, but also an unavoidably blurred concept. Its recurrent use as a weapon to discredit all kinds of projects that challenge contemporary liberal democracies has led to a situation in which protest movements that aim at democratic renewal end up being conflated with opposite tendencies whose objective is a reactionary scaling down of democracy. Against this background, this article argues that both for political and for analytical purposes, the key point for distinguishing between “progressive” and “regressive” projects that address the crisis of democracy is to determine how such projects conceive of the identity of the people. Invoking the people is not per se an attribute of populism, but ultimately a feature of all kinds of democratic politics. What does make for a critical difference, though, is how peoplehood is articulated in the process of collective mobilization. The distinction becomes particularly relevant with regard to current debates on how to tackle the issue of diversity and democratic integration in Europe and North America. To substantiate this relevance, the article introduces the concept of popular republicanism, which is fleshed out by discussing two recent examples: Catalan sovereignism and the Kurdish-Turkish HDP.

North America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Shushan
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
North America ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Native American Religions ◽  
Widespread Acceptance ◽  
Revitalization Movements ◽  
Per Se ◽  
High Level ◽  
Near Death Experiences ◽  
Afterlife Beliefs

Dozens of Native American near-death experiences (NDEs) from the late sixteenth to early twentieth centuries are presented, ranging from across the continent. Many were accompanied by indigenous claims that they were the source for local afterlife beliefs. There were also many afterlife-related myths, and shamanic practices with NDE-like afterlife themes. In addition, numerous religious/cultural revitalization movements were claimed to have been grounded in the NDEs of their founders, and were conceptually related to the phenomenon. Near-death experiences could thus be an empowering force on a socio-cultural-political level in response to the threat of European dominance. There was a widespread acceptance and valorization of NDEs and related phenomena, and a high level of interest in the afterlife per se. Native American religions often showed a clear reciprocal relationship between shamanism, afterlife beliefs, and NDEs.

Sovereignty

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Heller
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Political System ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
Pluralistic World

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.

Language as an Identity: Hindi and Provincial Languages in Colonial India

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 314-337
Author(s):  
Amit Ranjan
Keyword(s):  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Linguistic Identity ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Hindi Language ◽  
Inherent Part ◽  
Union Government

Language is an inherent part of an individual’s identity. Any attempt to subjugate that identity is vehemently resisted by the people. In India, Hindi is not only seen as a language per se but also linked with North Indian Hindus. In the past, the introduction and imposition of Hindi in non-Hindi-speaking states, mainly Tamil Nadu, had faced strong opposition. Since the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Hindu Nationalist Party—Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)—elected to power in May 2014, the union government has taken measures to what it calls promoting the use of the Hindi language in India. These measures have been strongly resisted in the non-Hindi-speaking states of the country. This article looks at the debates between Hindi and non-Hindi speakers since the years of the anti-colonial movement in India. It examines the character of the movement to promote Hindi and the resistance against the Hindi movements in India. This article also discusses the demands for language-based states in India. In this paper, the author argues that in the non-Hindi-speaking states, Hindi is mainly looked at as a means to subsume and suppress the native’s identity. To protect their linguistic identity, which is inextricably intertwined with other identities, people in non-Hindi-speaking areas have protested in past and also resist such attempts in present.

Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARASH ABIZADEH
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Public Culture ◽  
Normative Theory ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Democratic Deliberation ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Shared Norms

This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public culture (Miller, Barry); and (4) the economic viability of specifically industrialized liberal democracies requires a single national culture (Gellner). I argue that all four arguments fail: At best, a shared cultural nation may reduce some of the costs liberal democratic societies must incur; at worst, cultural nationalist policies ironically undermine social integration. The failure of these cultural nationalist arguments clears the way for a normative theory of liberal democracy in multinational and postnational contexts.

Sixteenth Century North America: The Land and the People as Seen by the Europeans

1972 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 309
Author(s):  
Douglas Edward Leach ◽  
Carl Ortwin Sauer
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
North America ◽  
The People

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

Sixteenth Century North America: The Land and the People as Seen by the Europeans

1972 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
David Freeman Hawke ◽  
Carl Ortwin Sauer
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
North America ◽  
The People

The Referendum and Political Change

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Smith
Keyword(s):  
European Community ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Decisions

AS A WAY OF REACHING IMPORTANT POLITICAL DECISIONS, THE referendum is usually regarded as a clumsy and unsatisfactory instrument and quite unimportant as a contribution to political democracy. Yet widespread demands for more participation ‘by the people’ have brought the referendum into new-found favour. Interest has been rekindled too by its application to the issue of membership of the European Community, with the clear possibility of directly comparing the referenda in the four countries involved. This new interest in the referendum comes at a time when many party systems, the traditional supports of a purely parliamentary democracy, appear to be in disarray, and there are signs of increasing volatility within electorates which can foreshadow basic realignments in party systems. Questions now are naturally being raised about the future ordering of democratic politics, and for this reason it seems justifiable to focus an examination of the referendum especially on the problem of political change.

scholarly journals Obesity as a Covered Disability Under Employment Discrimination Law: An Analysis of Canadian Approaches

2005 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 620-649
Author(s):  
Harris L. Zwerling
Keyword(s):  
British Columbia ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
North America ◽  
Employment Discrimination ◽  
People With Disabilities ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Central Thesis ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Antidiscrimination Laws

Since the passage of the first anti-discrimination laws in North America, the number of groups or classes protected has slowly expanded. People with disabilities are one of the more recent groups to be covered by such laws. No Canadian human rights statute includes the obese or overweight as a separate designated group. British Columbia is the only jurisdiction in which obesity per se has been found to be a covered disability. All other Canadian jurisdictions that have explicitly addressed the issue require claimants to prove that their obesity is a disabling condition and has an underlying involuntary medical cause. This paper examines the treatment of the obese under the antidiscrimination laws of the Canadian federal and provincial jurisdictions, focusing primarily upon the laws of Ontario. Its central thesis is that despite the reticence of various human rights agencies, there is ample legal basis for including obesity as a covered disability under human rights law.

Religion as a Predictor for the Support of Judicial Human Rights?

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-Georg Ziebertz
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Age Group ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Empirical Survey ◽  
Research Survey ◽  
The People ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
Constitutional Right ◽  
Political Perception

Abstract Human rights are the cornerstones of modern liberal democracies, but this does not mean that they can be taken for granted. Human rights need the support of the people. But how willing are people to support them? This question points to the problem of the legitimacy of human rights. This research paper focuses on judicial human rights such as freedom from torture, the rights of accused persons and the inviolability of the home. A quantitative, empirical survey was carried out among 2,244 German youth in the age group of 16 years, and this paper explores what attitudes these young German respondents have towards the rights referred to above. The assumption is that several other factors influence attitudes towards judicial rights; the paper considers human dignity, which is a constitutional right in Germany, but also religious beliefs, personality traits and society’s socio-political perception. The findings show that only two judicial rights (freedom from torture and the inviolability of the home) are positively valued by the respondents. From all predictors included in the research survey, the two strongest are sex (being female) and a low degree of authoritarianism. The comparison of religious groups shows that Muslims differ strongly from Catholics, Protestants and non-religious youth.

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