scholarly journals Hate Speech – What Reduces the Phenomenon in Media

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 170-180
Author(s):  
Kristina Nenova
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Other ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Way

Hate speech can be used as an instrument preferred to exert political influence upon voters during election campaigns. This article provides two examples to support this assumption – the first one is related to a Kirk and Martin’s study on the way main presidential candidates in the USA ran their campaigns in 2016, while the other assumption is related to the current debate in Bulgaria on the National Child Strategy 2019-2030. The present article  focuses upon possibilities to reduce the phenomenon’s influence as well as upon some of the challenges researchers and policy makers face in their attempts to limit it.

Rhetorical moves in political discourse: closing statements by presidential candidates in US primary election debates

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Schubert
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Sample Analysis ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Discourse Studies ◽  
Political Persuasion

Abstract Presidential primary debates in the USA are commonly concluded by brief closing statements, in which the competitors outline the central messages of their election campaigns. These statements constitute a subgenre characterized by a set of recurring rhetorical moves, which are defined as functional units geared towards the respective communicative objective, in this case political persuasion. Located at the interface of rhetorical move analysis and political discourse studies, this paper demonstrates that moves and embedded steps in closing statements fulfill the persuasive function of legitimizing the respective candidate as the most preferable presidential successor. The study is based on the transcripts of 98 closing statements, which were extracted from eight Democratic and eleven Republican primary debates held between August 2015 and April 2016. Typical moves, such as projecting the speaker’s future political agenda or diagnosing the current situation in America, are presented with the help of illustrative examples, frequencies of occurrence, and a sample analysis of a complete closing statement.

scholarly journals The “A-theist” Christ

Kairos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-205
Author(s):  
Teofil Stanciu
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Present Article ◽  
The Other ◽  
Secular World ◽  
The Cross ◽  
The Way

For Metropolitan Anthony Bloom, the kenosis of Christ climaxes with his God-forsakenness on the cross. It is this aspect of kenosis that the present article tries to explore and build upon. One key element will be the meaning of the concept of “a-theist” Christ – coined by Bloom – and how this status of the incarnated Son can function as a basis for our identification and solidarity with today’s atheists. By the way of kenosis, the incarnation brings together in one hypostasis the divine and human nature. This reality endowed both our nature and created order with significant dignity. This paper explores the possibilities from this dignity and how it can serve as a bridge for dialogue with humanists and materialists. As Bloom suggests, this can open the discussion towards the secular world and Christians could take some responsibility for the process of secularization. The objective of this article is to demonstrate that Anthony Bloom’s controversial idea of “a-theist” Christ can become a connection point with the other and a mirror in which western Christians might look at some of their anthropological shortcomings that hamper their solidarity and dialogue with those who do not share the faith in God.

Fighting Elections: Cross-Level Political Party Integration in Ontario

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Lennox Esselment
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
The Other ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Local Party

Abstract.Conventional wisdom about the structure of political parties in Canada has emphasized their confederal nature. In other words (and the New Democratic party excepted), parties with identical partisan complexions at the federal and provincial levels are thought to operate in “two political worlds.” This paper argues that election campaigns are a key integrating link between parties. How they fight elections reveals extensive cross-level co-operation, particularly through shared activists (local party activists, party staff and party professionals) and technological expertise. This has the effect of shrinking the space between party cousins and forges unity between them. While there are certain obstacles to electoral collaboration, there are also incentives for these parties to work to maintain and strengthen their ties with their partisan cousin at the other level. These findings make an important contribution by directly challenging the notion that Canada's federal system has led to increasingly disentangled political parties.Résumé.L'opinion communément admise au sujet de la structure des partis politiques au Canada a mis l'accent sur leur nature confédérale. En d'autres termes (exception faite du Nouveau Parti démocratique), on considère en général que les partis à caractère partisan identique au palier fédéral et provincial fonctionnent dans «deux mondes politiques à part». Le présent article avance que les campagnes électorales constituent un facteur d'intégration clé entre les différents niveaux d'un parti. La façon dont un parti dispute une élection révèle un haut degré de coopération entre les organisations provinciales et fédérales, surtout du fait qu'ils partagent des militants communs (militants locaux, personnel politique et professionnels du parti) et leur expertise technologique. Ce phénomène tend à rétrécir l'espace entre cousins du même parti et à bâtir l'unité d'organisation entre les deux niveaux. Même s'il y a des obstacles inévitables à la collaboration électorale, les partis cousins ont de bonnes raisons de veiller à maintenir et à renforcer leurs liens réciproques. Ces conclusions apportent une contribution importante à l'étude des partis politiques, en contestant directement l'idée que le système fédéral au Canada a encouragé les partis politiques de même allégeance à mener leurs activités de manière indépendante.

scholarly journals Ready for the Homeland

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Katarina Damcevic ◽  
Filip Rodik
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Revisionism ◽  
Communicative Functions ◽  
The World ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
The Way

The article analyzes nationalistically motivated online hate speech on selected right-wing public Facebook pages in Croatia. The rise of historical revisionism and populism paved the way for the growing presence of hate speech, with the most salient example being the resurfacing of the World War II fascist salute Za dom spremni (“Ready for the Homeland”) across different communicative situations. We account for the online dynamic of Za dom spremni as well as for the most frequent expressions of xenophobia that accompany the salute by presenting data gathered between 2012 – 2017 using Facebook Graph API. From the total of 4.5 million postings published by readers, those containing Za dom spremni and its variations were filtered and followed by the frequency and prevalence of the accompanying notions. By relying on cultural semiotics, we highlight the socio-communicative functions of hate speech on two levels. Firstly, the notion of the semiosphere helps us illustrate how hate speech is used to reproduce the idea of Croatianness as the dominant self-description. Secondly, we examine how the dominant self-description maintains the boundary between us and the other by merging diverse textual fragments and how their perseverance depends on the communicative situations they enter online.

scholarly journals When in Danger, Turn Right: Does Covid-19 Threat Promote Social Conservatism and Right-Wing Presidential Candidates?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maciej Karwowski ◽  
Marta Kowal ◽  
Agata Groyecka ◽  
Michal Bialek ◽  
Izabela Lebuda ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Total N ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Social Conservatism ◽  
The Way

Drawing upon the Parasite Model of Democratization across two preregistered experiments conducted in the USA and Poland (total N = 1,237), we examined the psychological and political consequences of the recent COVID-19 pandemic. By manipulating saliency of COVID-19, we found that activating thinking about coronavirus may elevate Americans' and Poles' anxiety and indirectly promote their social conservatism all the way to support for more conservative presidential candidates. The pattern obtained was consistent in both countries, and it suggests that the pandemic may result in a shift in political views.

Hatenography: An Analysis of Hate Speech on Facebook in 2019 Indonesian Presidential Campaign

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 122-141
Author(s):  
Atwar Bajari ◽  
◽  
Iwan Koswara ◽  
Dedi Rumawan Erlandia ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Virtual Ethnography ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Media Space ◽  
Verbal Message

This article discusses hate speech on Facebook from two groups of supporters for the presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election in Indonesia. The study used a virtual ethnography approach to analyze cultural groups or communities through their conversations on the Facebook platform. Data collection was conducted by observing and collecting words, phrases, and sentences in the Official Facebook account of two presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election and statements of both presidential and vice-presidential candidates in 2019. In addition, researchers also observed three voluntary group accounts for each candidate. Therefore, the total number of accounts observed was eight. Data was analysed with Nvivo 12+ to obtain statistics on the strength of the chosen speech word and the dominant phrase or word that appears. The result shows that specific phrases or terms to intimidate each supporter of both parties in massive numbers appeared in the form of hate speech during the campaign. The purpose of the hate speech is to insult/humiliate, intimidate or accuse others of doing something inappropriate or evil (accusation which involves sarcasm and foul language directed to the opponent. Candidates also provoked each other by accusing the other party of being stupid, disgusting, pathetic, ugly, and retarded. The implication was that hate speech has disunited the public on the social media space. Accusing and attaching bad characters to other groups through hate speech has strengthened inter-group stereotypes and formed an unhealthy democratic climate. Keywords: Provocation, hate speech, verbal message, virtual ethnography, communication.

scholarly journals Streaming Minority Languages: The Case of Basque Language Cinema on Netflix

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-115
Author(s):  
Katixa Agirre
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Production Distribution ◽  
Consumption Model ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
The Way

This article explores the way Basque language cinema is adapting to streaming platforms, focusing on the case of the three Basque language films that have made it to Netflix: Loreak (2014), Handia (2017) and Errementari (2018). Firstly, it explains Netflix particularities and its emphasis on diversity, among other reasons that could explain the platform’s interest in these particular films. Secondly, it describes the way these aforementioned films have landed on Netflix and the impact this exhibition has had. I base my research on in-depth interviews with directors Jon Garaño and Paul Urkijo as well as producer Xabi Berzosa to know the insights of the process. More broadly, the article discusses the impact that becoming available on Netflix and other SVOD platforms might have for Basque cinema, especially when it comes to production and transnational distribution. On the other hand, I will also point at the challenges that this new landscape poses for the Basque audiovisual industry, and non-hegemonic languages in general. The streaming revolution, of which Netflix is currently the epitome, is changing the production, distribution, exhibition and consumption model globally, and policy makers and Basque institutions should take this transformation seriously. Loreak, Handia and Errementari should not just become happy exceptions.

Saudi-Iranian Détente

2019 ◽  
pp. 141-162
Author(s):  
Dilip Hiro
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Organized Crime ◽  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
The Other ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
The Way ◽  
Gulf Arab

Saudi Arabia restored diplomatic ties with Iran severed in 1987 – a precursor to détente that took effect in 1994 during the presidency of Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. At Riyadh’s behest, Tehran became the venue for the triennial Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) summit in 1997. It was chaired by moderate President Muhammad Khatami during whose administration there was a thaw between Tehran and Washington. This convinced Crown Prince Abdullah, the de facto Saudi ruler, that Iran’s leaders had accepted his advice to mend fences with America which, in his view, would pave the way for a lasting Riyadh-Tehran amity. Invited by King Fahd, Khatami met him in Jeddah. In February 1998, Rafsanjani, leading a large delegation, conducted amicable meetings in the Kingdom’s leading cities. The fond hope of Iran’s policy-makers was to cap economic, cultural and diplomatic ties with Riyadh with a bilateral security pact. They visualized it as an overarching agreement. The Saudis, on the other hand, had a limited version in mind. Therefore, the Saudi-Iranian security pact signed in April 2001 covered only countering organized crime, terrorism and drug trafficking. Meanwhile, encouraged by Abdullah, the other Gulf Arab monarchies warmed their relations with Tehran.

scholarly journals Wellington e Napoleão: Representações Britânicas e Portuguesas no Romance e no Ecrã

2017 ◽  
pp. 17-60
Author(s):  
David Evans ◽  
Gabriela Gândara Terenas ◽  
Maria do Rosário Lupi Bello
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Present Article ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Peninsular War ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Way

The primary aim of the present article is to analyse how the two opposing military leaders – Wellington and Napoleon – were portrayed in British and Portuguese novels and films. The article looks closely at the way British and Portuguese authors perceived the two major figures of the Peninsular War, whilst examining, on the other hand, the way they were depicted in the cinema, contributing in this way, it is hoped, towards the reconstitution of a period of particular importance in Anglo-Portuguese relations. The first part of the study presents an overview of the way the War has been portrayed in Literature and the Cinema and the second looks closely at the many ways such narratives have depicted these great adversaries, two of the most remarkable figures of the nineteenth century.

scholarly journals Moderator Bias in Television Coverage of an Election Campaign with no Political Advertising

2010 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magne Martin Haug ◽  
Haavard Koppang ◽  
Jan Svennevig
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Political Advertising ◽  
General Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Campaign Coverage ◽  
Television Coverage ◽  
Consistent Information ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
The Way

Abstract TV journalists may influence election outcomes through the way in which they cover election campaigns. This is perhaps more of an issue in countries with no political advertising, where the only connection between politicians and voters through the most important medium, television, is mediated by TV journalists. The present article analyzes journalist moderator behavior in an election campaign in which there was no political advertising and no party-controlled election TV programming. Data were collected from election cross-examination programs on the two TV channels covering the 2005 general election in Norway. There was little consistent information for voters across programs. There were significant biases in moderator treatment of politicians along the left/right political divide. The present article may contribute to increased consciousness among journalists of the possibility of moderator bias in this sort of journalistic campaign coverage. Implications for the outcome of the election are discussed.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document