Religious stereotypes in labour relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 739-747
Author(s):  
Irina Vladimirovna Pogodina ◽  
Olga Sergeevna Kulakova

Religious attitudes have an impact on labor relations. The spiritual convictions of believers can limit human behavior to some extent. Compliance with the principle of freedom of conscience and religion predetermines the need to take into account the religious beliefs of people involved in labor relations. In this regard, the article examines the influence of religious beliefs on the labor activity of a person living in a secular state. The authors discuss the issue of discrimination against workers on religious grounds, as well as the need to provide workers with the right to express their religious affiliation while participating in labor activities. English version of the article is available at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/religious-stereotypes-in-labour-relations/74961.html

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Ниджат Рафаэль оглу Джафаров ◽  

It can be accepted that the classification of human rights, its division, types, and groups, is of particular importance. The syllogism for human rights can be taken as follows: law belongs to man; human beings are the highest beings on earth like living beings. Therefore, the regulation prevails. The right to freedom is conditional. Man is free. Consequently, human rights are dependent. Morality is the limit of the law. Morality is the limit and content of human actions. Therefore, the law is the limit of human activities. Morality is related to law. Law is the norm of human behavior. Thereby, human behavior and direction are related to morality. The people create the state. The state has the right. Therefore, the right of the state is the right of the people. The state is an institution made up of citizens. Citizens have the privilege. Such blessings as Dignity, honor, conscience, zeal, honor, etc., and values are a part of morality and spiritual life. Morality is united with law. Therefore, moral values are part of the law. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and conscience. Space is about the law. Therefore, everyone has the right to opinion and conscience. Key words: human rights, freedom of conscience, conceptuality, citizenship


2013 ◽  
pp. 204-207
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi

Ukraine is a country of freedom of beliefs and beliefs. The Constitution of the country (Article 35) provides its citizens with not only the right to profess any religion, but also the freedom of religious activity, prohibits the binding of any one of the religions by recognizing it as a state. In the civil society of Ukraine, each of its citizens is sovereign. In accordance with the Law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations (Article 3), he is free to accept or change his religion of his choice. Every citizen has the right to express and freely distribute his religious beliefs. "No one can set obligatory beliefs and outlooks. No coercion is allowed in determining a citizen's attitude to religion ..., to participation or non-participation in worship, religious rites and ceremonies, teaching religion. " Thus, by proclaiming the right to freedom of religion, freedom of religion, the Ukrainian state, if it considers itself to be democratic and claims to join such a united Europe, is obliged to create conditions for the functioning of different religions in its territory.


Author(s):  
Mahir S. Al-Hawamleh

The present study looked at the educational religious beliefs as gained from university courses using a self-reported questionnaire as well as semi-structured interviews. 591 students chosen through stratified random design responded to the questionnaire. 64 students from the study's sample were interviewed. The current study presented evidence to support the identification and comparison of the educational religious perceptions held by the two sets of students from Mu'tah University and Al al-Bayt University. The analysis concluded that religious education courses influenced deeply and with varying degrees students’ perceptions of religious affiliation to a large extent at Al-al Bayt University; nevertheless, it was not the case at Mu'tah. Moreover, the study reported students’ perceptions on religious awareness and religious attitudes as weak. That is, the actualization of making meaning and transferring what they believe into what they act and what they do was relatively unattainable. The study suggested the need for more courses. Hence, the study believed that universities should form the cement holding of society's religiosity together. 


1993 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Persinger

The vectorial hemisphericity concept predicts that endorsements of beliefs in paranormal phenomena are associated with elevated subcortical (complex partial epileptic-like signs) temporal lobe experiences while endorsements of religious beliefs are associated with experiences of the right (cortical) hemispheric equivalent (the sensed presence) of the linguistic sense of self. Partial correlation analyses, which removed the expected shared variance, supported this hypothesis for 400 men and 400 women; religious affiliation did not contribute any statistically significant influence. However, agreements with extreme religious beliefs, such as killing others in God's name, were associated with weekly church attendance and were primarily endorsed by men but not by women.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 229-260
Author(s):  
Renata Król-Mazur

The article discusses the basic legal act on the right to religious freedom The Law of the Republic of Armenia on the Freedom of Conscience and on Religious Organizations, which was enacted in Armenia in the early 1990s and which, in a slightly modified version, is still in force today. In Armenia, the close link between ethnicity and religious affiliation (Armenian Apostolic Church) makes it difficult to adopt legal solutions that would guarantee the full realization of the right to religious freedom. The Armenian Apostolic Church considers religious freedom as an anti-national provision, and therefore qualifies all other religious organizations as "sects" and anti-national structures. The article provides a detailed analysis of the Religious Denominations Act, indicates which of its provisions are most controversial and shows how the adopted legal solutions differ from the international standards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont

In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The main advantage of this proposal is that it recognizes the right of all democratic citizens to adopt their own cognitive stance (whether religious or secular) in political deliberation in the public sphere without giving up on the democratic obligation to provide reasons acceptable to everyone to justify coercive policies with which all citizens must comply.


Author(s):  
Allan Hepburn

In the 1940s and 1950s, Britain was relatively uniform in terms of race and religion. The majority of Britons adhered to the Church of England, although Anglo-Catholic leanings—the last gasp of the Oxford Movement—prompted some people to convert to Roman Catholicism. Although the secularization thesis has had a tenacious grip on twentieth-century literary studies, it does not account for the flare-up of interest in religion in mid-century Britain. The ecumenical movement, which began in the 1930s in Europe, went into suspension during the war, and returned with vigour after 1945, advocated international collaboration among Christian denominations and consequently overlapped with the promotion of human rights, especially the defence of freedom of worship, the right to privacy, freedom of conscience, and freedom of expression.


1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Geoff Gilbert

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.


Philosophy ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 48 (186) ◽  
pp. 363-379
Author(s):  
A. C. Ewing

Philosophers have not been sceptical only about metaphysics or religious beliefs. There are a great number of other beliefs generally held which they have had at least as much difficulty in justifying, and in the present article I ask questions as to the right philosophical attitude to these beliefs in cases where to our everyday thought they seem so obvious as to be a matter of the most ordinary common sense. A vast number of propositions go beyond what is merely empirical and cannot be seen to be logically necessary but are still believed by everybody in their daily life. Into this class fall propositions about physical things, other human minds and even propositions about one's own past experiences based on memory, for we are not now ‘observing’ our past. The phenomenalist does not escape the difficulty about physical things, for he reduces physical object propositions, in so far as true, not merely to propositions about his own actual experience but to propositions about the experiences of other human beings in general under certain conditions, and he cannot either observe or logically prove what the experiences of other people are or what even his own would be under conditions which have not yet been fulfilled. What is the philosopher to say about such propositions? Even Moore, who insisted so strongly that we knew them, admitted that we did not know how we knew them. The claim which a religious man makes to a justified belief that is neither a matter of purely empirical perception nor formally provable is indeed by no means peculiar to the religious. It is made de facto by everybody in his senses, whether or not he realizes that he is doing so. There is indeed a difference: while everyone believes in the existence of other human beings and in the possibility of making some probable predictions about the future from the past, not everybody holds religious beliefs, and although this does not necessarily invalidate the claim it obviously weakens it.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174498712110085
Author(s):  
Ching Sin Siau ◽  
Lei-Hum Wee ◽  
Suzaily Wahab ◽  
Uma Visvalingam ◽  
Seen Heng Yeoh ◽  
...  

Background There has been mixed findings on whether a healthcare workers’ religious beliefs contribute positively or negatively to their attitudes towards suicidal patients. Aims This study aims to explore qualitatively the influence of religious/spiritual beliefs on healthcare workers’ attitudes towards suicide and suicidal patients in the culturally heterogeneous Malaysian population. Methods Thirty-one healthcare workers from diverse religious backgrounds, professions and medical disciplines were interviewed. Thematic analysis revealed the centrality of religion in determining healthcare workers’ acceptability of suicide, specific religious beliefs that influenced their views on the right-to-die issue, perceptions of the suicidal patient’s religiousness/spirituality, and the aspects and extent of religious relevance in professional philosophy and practice. Results Healthcare workers who could perceive the multifactorial nature of suicide causation had a more empathetic response. There were high levels of paternalism in the care of suicidal patients, involving unsolicited religious/spiritual advice practised as a form of suicide deterrent and social support. Conclusions The formal integration of religious/spiritual practices into the professional care of suicidal patients was indicated.


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