A. A. Gromyko: diplomacy of a new world order

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidiya Evgenievna Grishaeva

The author writes about the outstanding Soviet diplomat, politician and statesman A. A. Gromyko. On the priority directions of A. A. Gromyko. The fact that Soviet diplomacy, expressed by A. A. Gromyko, contributed to the victory of the countries of the Anti-Hitler coalition in World War II. About the United Nations — a new international organization of the nuclear era, with universal competence and a broad representative composition, in the creation of which A. A. Gromyko made a significant contribution. On the main provisions of the UN Charter, which is signed by A. A. Gromyko. On controversial issues on the formation of the foundations of the UN, in the solution of which A. A. Gromyko was directly involved: initial membership; the problem of "small countries"; “veto” rule; the composition and powers of the UN Security Council, etc. On agreements on the limitation of nuclear weapons, in the development of which A. A. Gromyko, who ensured the effectiveness of the "nuclear deterrent" strategy. On the principled position of A. A. Gromyko in the negotiations on the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, which contributed to its settlement. About the professional qualities of A. A. Gromyko, about his mastery of the art of diplomacy, about his state thinking as a person, which ultimately led to the recognition of the USSR as a Great Power. The fact that the strategy of "nuclear deterrence", at the origins of the political and diplomatic development of which was A. A. Gromyko, still guarantees universal security. The fact that the "nuclear parity" of the opposing sides was achieved and legally formalized thanks to, among other things, the diplomatic efforts of A. A. Gromyko, which did not allow the Cold War to develop into an open nuclear confrontation. The author has convincingly shown that A. A. Gromyko was not just an ordinary government official, he really made a decisive personal contribution to the construction of a new post-war world order, which for more than 75 years has been ensuring the sustainable development of mankind without global wars.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 408-414
Author(s):  
Abraham Kuol Nyuon

This article examines the theoretical framework of the cold war as the basis for comprehending the genesis of the Cold War. This author gave emphasizes to events which clearly elaborate the end of the war known as the superpowers struggle from 1945-1991 by focusing on factors which have speed up the collapse of the Cold War resulting into the new World Order. In this paper, the author argued that, the Cold War and World War II are inseparable because conflict among the Allies surfaced at the end of the World War II. This paper set out how World War II shaped the beginning of the Cold War through engaging with the major schools of thoughts that are considered as the cause of Cold War. Therefore, the blame for the escalation of the Cold war should be attributed to both the United States and the Soviet Union as both of them were serving their national interest. Keywords: War, interest, power, ideology, determinants, cessation, orthodox, revisionist, realist, War, destruction, assured, mutually, weapon and competition.


1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Akira Kojima

During the Cold War, relationships between governments were fixed by the powerful polarities of East and West. With the end of the Cold War, these relationships became more fluid and more volatile. A multipolar series of forccs--what we optimistically term the New World Order--has now replaced the bipolar forces that defined relationships among nations since the end of World War II.


2019 ◽  
pp. 32-34
Author(s):  
M. S. Sukhanov ◽  
A. N. Garashchenkova

The article is devoted to the study of the process of preparation of the Tehran conference of leaders of the USSR, USA and Great Britain, held in the Iranian capital from November 28 to December 1, 1943. Based on the analysis of the trilateral correspondence of I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill, the authors determine the objectives of the meeting and indicate the positions of the parties regarding the time and place of its holding. It is proved that each of the leaders wanted to organize a conference on the territory under their control, but the desire to resolve controversial issues prevailed over political ambitions, which was a decisive factor in rallying the allies of World War II to fight the aggressors. The novelty of the study is due to the lack of study in the domestic historiography of the organizational aspect of the Tehran conference, which in turn is extremely important for an objective understanding of how the conditions favorable for the adoption of crucial military and political decisions of the time and the development of initial projects of the post-war world order were achieved.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-176
Author(s):  
Ariella Azoulay

This article utilizes photographs taken in Berlin just after the end of World War II to reconstruct the history of mass rape that took place in the city during this period and to argue for this event as foundational to post-war democratic political regimes that inscribed imperialism’s ruling logic within a ‘new world order’. In arguing this point, the author refuses the positivist and evidentiary frameworks through which scholars typically work with photographic images, abjuring an over-emphasis on what is or is not seen within the photographic image, instead focusing on the photograph’s affective and sonic registers, as well as other types of inscriptions in the body of the camera and emissions that require another modality of re/coding. By rereading images historically interpreted as documenting Berlin’s destruction alongside and through textual evidence of the mass rape, this analysis challenges the imperial scopic regime that has classified these images as not being photographs of rape, and connects this act of photographic erasure to the Allies’ post-war efforts to present themselves as saviors, thus legitimizing their continued imperial dominance over the world’s populations.


Author(s):  
Alexander A. Plashchinsky

The article views the process of formation of the USA foreign policy strategy as being an instrument of establishing a new world order in the aftermath of World War II. An array of information, which consists of numerous sources in English, has been introduced into the scientific circulation of Belarusian political science and translated by the author himself. These are USA foreign policy documents, archival materials, memoirs, specialised periodicals, etc. Based on system analysis of this information, the key factors that determined the formation of the USA global strategy have been identified and analysed. Among them are the following ones: military, strategic, economic, political, nuclear, messianic, personal, factor of external threat («image of enemy »), geopolitical. The medium and long-term goals of the USA foreign policy strategy in Eurasia have been identified. The system analysis of the factors, goals and geopolitical concepts used by the White House in realising its foreign policy, both during the Cold War and in its aftermath, allows tracing how did the liberal paradigm, which foundations had been formed within the historical events of the first post-war years, become a reality today. The article demonstrates that the expansion of the new world order paradigm is being accompanied by permanent economic, geopolitical and military expansion of the United States. In the framework of that expansion the territories of modern Belarus, Russia and other states of the former USSR are the stepping stones necessary to gain world leadership. From this point of view, the Cold War is not over. Yet its forms and methods have changed. Therefore, the new world order appears as being a multifaceted phenomenon projected into the informational, economic, and military-political dimensions to establish the global power of the USA in the world and that of the forces that stand behind it. It is concluded that the obeyance of the national spirit to the interests of the US foreign policy strategy is the main conceptual goal of the latter. This fact determines the nature of the modern war on consciousness. Understanding the new world order phenomenon as well as the USA foreign policy strategy as being the instrument of its establishing is necessary to ensure national security and successive development of the Belarusian state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-316
Author(s):  
Anne M. Blankenship

During the World War II incarceration of Japanese Americans, visions of a peaceful new world order led mainline Protestants to manipulate the worship practices of incarcerated Japanese Americans ( Nikkei) to strengthen unity of the church and nation. Ecumenical leaders saw possibilities within the chaos of incarceration and war to improve themselves, their church, and the world through these experiments based on ideals of Protestant ecumenism and desires for racial equality and integration. This essay explores why agendas that restricted the autonomy of racial minorities were doomed to fail and how Protestants can learn from this experience to expand their definition of unity to include pluralist representations of Christianity and America as imagined by different sects and ethnic groups.


Author(s):  
Olga I. Aganson ◽  

The research analyzes Britain’s approaches to the post-war arrangement of the political space of Southeastern Europe at the final stage of World War II. In an effort to maintain its status as a global power, Great Britain took an active part in developing the foundations of a new world order. British strategic planning paid special attention to the Balkan region, where British interests traditionally clashed with the Russian/Soviet ones. The author tries to trace the elements of continuity and variability in British policy in the Balkans. This will enable us to get a more nuanced understanding of the new balance of forces in the region, one of the main manifestations of which was the extinction of the «Balkan polyphony».


2018 ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Peter Uwe Hohendahl

This chapter focuses on The Nomos of the Earth, offering a comparative reading of Schmitt’s conception of European colonialism and more recent critical studies of the relevance of colonialism for the emergence of modern global history. In particular, the analysis contrasts Schmitt’s framing of colonialism as a crucial positive moment of modern history with a fundamental critique developed by liberation movements after World War II (Fanon). This analysis leads up to a discussion of recent affirmations of western imperialism in which Schmitt’s ideas seem to return.


Author(s):  
Andrew Preston

Assessing the application of the liberal consensus idea to postwar foreign policy, this chapter contends that myths about the bipartisan spirit of U.S. foreign policy have too long found ready acceptance from historians. Politics did not stop at the water’s edge, even when bipartisanship was at its supposed zenith during World War II and the early Cold War. While there was unanimity during the post-war era that the growth of international communism was a threat to U.S. interests, this did not mean that foreign policy was free of political conflict, and partisan charges that the government of the day was losing the Cold War were commonplace. Meanwhile, non-elite opinion evinced little support for confrontation with the main Communist powers, reluctance to engage in another land war like Korea, and concern about survival in the nuclear era. The divisiveness wrought by Vietnam was supposed to have brought an end to the “Cold War consensus,” but uncertainty over its meaning was evident well before this.


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