scholarly journals Leaders discussion of the USSR, USA and Great Britain about the place and time of the trilateral meeting in 1943

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-34
Author(s):  
M. S. Sukhanov ◽  
A. N. Garashchenkova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
World Order ◽  
Decisive Factor ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
World War ◽  
Organizational Aspect ◽  
Objective Understanding ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Decisions

The article is devoted to the study of the process of preparation of the Tehran conference of leaders of the USSR, USA and Great Britain, held in the Iranian capital from November 28 to December 1, 1943. Based on the analysis of the trilateral correspondence of I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill, the authors determine the objectives of the meeting and indicate the positions of the parties regarding the time and place of its holding. It is proved that each of the leaders wanted to organize a conference on the territory under their control, but the desire to resolve controversial issues prevailed over political ambitions, which was a decisive factor in rallying the allies of World War II to fight the aggressors. The novelty of the study is due to the lack of study in the domestic historiography of the organizational aspect of the Tehran conference, which in turn is extremely important for an objective understanding of how the conditions favorable for the adoption of crucial military and political decisions of the time and the development of initial projects of the post-war world order were achieved.

scholarly journals Towards Spheres of Influence and the End of the «Balkan Polyphony»: Southeast Europe in the Strategic Calculations of Great Britain at the Final Stage of World War II

2020 ◽  
pp. 339-355
Author(s):  
Olga I. Aganson ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Final Stage ◽  
World Order ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
World War ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
Post War

The research analyzes Britain’s approaches to the post-war arrangement of the political space of Southeastern Europe at the final stage of World War II. In an effort to maintain its status as a global power, Great Britain took an active part in developing the foundations of a new world order. British strategic planning paid special attention to the Balkan region, where British interests traditionally clashed with the Russian/Soviet ones. The author tries to trace the elements of continuity and variability in British policy in the Balkans. This will enable us to get a more nuanced understanding of the new balance of forces in the region, one of the main manifestations of which was the extinction of the «Balkan polyphony».

A. A. Gromyko: diplomacy of a new world order

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidiya Evgenievna Grishaeva
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World Order ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
New World Order ◽  
World War ◽  
The Sustainable Development ◽  
Small Countries ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The author writes about the outstanding Soviet diplomat, politician and statesman A. A. Gromyko. On the priority directions of A. A. Gromyko. The fact that Soviet diplomacy, expressed by A. A. Gromyko, contributed to the victory of the countries of the Anti-Hitler coalition in World War II. About the United Nations — a new international organization of the nuclear era, with universal competence and a broad representative composition, in the creation of which A. A. Gromyko made a significant contribution. On the main provisions of the UN Charter, which is signed by A. A. Gromyko. On controversial issues on the formation of the foundations of the UN, in the solution of which A. A. Gromyko was directly involved: initial membership; the problem of "small countries"; “veto” rule; the composition and powers of the UN Security Council, etc. On agreements on the limitation of nuclear weapons, in the development of which A. A. Gromyko, who ensured the effectiveness of the "nuclear deterrent" strategy. On the principled position of A. A. Gromyko in the negotiations on the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, which contributed to its settlement. About the professional qualities of A. A. Gromyko, about his mastery of the art of diplomacy, about his state thinking as a person, which ultimately led to the recognition of the USSR as a Great Power. The fact that the strategy of "nuclear deterrence", at the origins of the political and diplomatic development of which was A. A. Gromyko, still guarantees universal security. The fact that the "nuclear parity" of the opposing sides was achieved and legally formalized thanks to, among other things, the diplomatic efforts of A. A. Gromyko, which did not allow the Cold War to develop into an open nuclear confrontation. The author has convincingly shown that A. A. Gromyko was not just an ordinary government official, he really made a decisive personal contribution to the construction of a new post-war world order, which for more than 75 years has been ensuring the sustainable development of mankind without global wars.

scholarly journals Communism versus Zionism: The Comintern, Yishuvism, and the Palestine Communist Party

2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Franzéén
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Turning Points ◽  
White Paper ◽  
World War ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Party Line ◽  
Post War ◽  
Two Bodies

This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War II. In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and ““Yishuvism,”” a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 1936––39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign.

Lessons of World War II and Strategic Planning of the Big Three (1945–1949)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-84
Author(s):  
I. E. Magadeev
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Strategic Planning ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War

The paper examines how military and political leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain assessed in the first post-war years and in the face of emerging bipolar world order the lessons of World War II, how the latter influenced their strategic planning and forecasts with the emergence of nuclear weapons. The author outlines the key features of this period (1945–1949), including still fresh memories of the unprecedented destruction and losses of the past war, the US ‘nuclear monopoly’, and the absence of a system for nuclear deterrence. The paper provides a systematic comparison of lessons from the past war, learnt by the Soviet, the US and British establishment, identifies similarities and differences between them. The author concludes that WWII was perceived by the political and military leaders of that time as a model of the eventual ‘great war’ in the future, which almost certainly would be ‘total’ and ‘global’ in scope and would demand both thorough preparations during the peacetime and the militarization of civil life. Indeed, the experience of WWII had greatly influenced the strategic and operational planning in the USSR, the USA and Great Britain in 1945–1949. Moscow prepared to face the potential aggression on its Western borders or in the Far East in order to avoid the mistakes of 1941. In Washington the decisionmakers acknowledged the Soviet superiority in conventional weapons and didn’t exclude the possibility that the Soviet Army could quickly establish control over the Western Europe and that the US military would have to retake it in a ‘new Operation Overlord’. The pessimistic outlook of the ‘defense of the Rhine’ was also shared in London, and the British military planned to evacuate the troops to the British Isles (‘shadow of Dunkirk’) and to focus on strategic bombing of the USSR and its allies. Even the appearance of nuclear weapons, that would dramatically alter the strategic context in the following years, played a relatively minor role in 1945–1949. The author concludes that the shadow of World War II and its lessons had a long-lasting effect on the post-war international relations.

British and American Influence in Post-War Thailand

1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Frank C. Darling
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Administrative Development ◽  
Post War ◽  
Independent Country

From the opening of Thailand (Siam) to the West in the middle of the nineteenth century until World War II the dominant European influence in thissmall independent country was that exerted by Great Britain. Although other Europeans played important roles in the technological and administrative development of Thailand, the British were able to retain a pre-eminent position in the affairs of the country. The bulk of Thailand's rice trade was with the British empire, and a British expert was traditionally employed by the Thai absolute monarchs as their leading financial adviser. The British likewise played a vital role in preventing the French from seizing larger territories in Thailand as these two leading colonial powers clashed in Southeast Asia in the 1890's. An agreement between Great Britain and France in 1896 enabled Thailand to retain its national independence, and until World War II Thailand served as a buffer state between the British colonialists in Burma and the French colons in Indochina.

The Natural History of Rape

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-176
Author(s):  
Ariella Azoulay
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World Order ◽  
The Body ◽  
New World Order ◽  
World War ◽  
Photographic Images ◽  
Textual Evidence ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The City

This article utilizes photographs taken in Berlin just after the end of World War II to reconstruct the history of mass rape that took place in the city during this period and to argue for this event as foundational to post-war democratic political regimes that inscribed imperialism’s ruling logic within a ‘new world order’. In arguing this point, the author refuses the positivist and evidentiary frameworks through which scholars typically work with photographic images, abjuring an over-emphasis on what is or is not seen within the photographic image, instead focusing on the photograph’s affective and sonic registers, as well as other types of inscriptions in the body of the camera and emissions that require another modality of re/coding. By rereading images historically interpreted as documenting Berlin’s destruction alongside and through textual evidence of the mass rape, this analysis challenges the imperial scopic regime that has classified these images as not being photographs of rape, and connects this act of photographic erasure to the Allies’ post-war efforts to present themselves as saviors, thus legitimizing their continued imperial dominance over the world’s populations.

Anti-Jewish Incidents in the Lublin Region in the Early Years after World War II

2008 ◽  
pp. 177-205
Author(s):  
Adam Kopciowski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Jewish Life ◽  
Early Years ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Ritual Murder ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Post War ◽  
Anti Jewish

In the early years following World War II, the Lublin region was one of the most important centres of Jewish life. At the same time, during 1944-1946 it was the scene of anti-Jewish incidents: from anti-Semitic propaganda, accusation of ritual murder, economic boycott, to cases of individual or collective murder. The wave of anti-Jewish that lasted until autumn of 1946 resulted in a lengthy and, no doubt incomplete, list of 118 murdered Jews. Escalating anti-Jewish violence in the immediate post-war years was one of the main factors, albeit not the only one, to affect the demography (mass emigration) and the socio-political condition of the Jewish population in the Lublin region

The Unassailable Self: Freud's Image Among Post-war American Intellectuals

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
External Force ◽  
Sigmund Freud ◽  
Human Being ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Way

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.

Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Second World

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.

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