scholarly journals Towards Spheres of Influence and the End of the «Balkan Polyphony»: Southeast Europe in the Strategic Calculations of Great Britain at the Final Stage of World War II

Author(s):  
Olga I. Aganson ◽  

The research analyzes Britain’s approaches to the post-war arrangement of the political space of Southeastern Europe at the final stage of World War II. In an effort to maintain its status as a global power, Great Britain took an active part in developing the foundations of a new world order. British strategic planning paid special attention to the Balkan region, where British interests traditionally clashed with the Russian/Soviet ones. The author tries to trace the elements of continuity and variability in British policy in the Balkans. This will enable us to get a more nuanced understanding of the new balance of forces in the region, one of the main manifestations of which was the extinction of the «Balkan polyphony».

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-34
Author(s):  
M. S. Sukhanov ◽  
A. N. Garashchenkova

The article is devoted to the study of the process of preparation of the Tehran conference of leaders of the USSR, USA and Great Britain, held in the Iranian capital from November 28 to December 1, 1943. Based on the analysis of the trilateral correspondence of I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill, the authors determine the objectives of the meeting and indicate the positions of the parties regarding the time and place of its holding. It is proved that each of the leaders wanted to organize a conference on the territory under their control, but the desire to resolve controversial issues prevailed over political ambitions, which was a decisive factor in rallying the allies of World War II to fight the aggressors. The novelty of the study is due to the lack of study in the domestic historiography of the organizational aspect of the Tehran conference, which in turn is extremely important for an objective understanding of how the conditions favorable for the adoption of crucial military and political decisions of the time and the development of initial projects of the post-war world order were achieved.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Franzéén

This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War II. In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and ““Yishuvism,”” a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 1936––39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 268-271
Author(s):  
Larisa E. Gorelova ◽  
Vera N. Shelkova

The article is devoted to the problems of the maternity and childhood welfare services recovery in the USSR in the second half of the 40s. of XX century. It shows the contribution of medical scientific institutions in the training of pediatric professionals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-84
Author(s):  
I. E. Magadeev

The paper examines how military and political leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain assessed in the first post-war years and in the face of emerging bipolar world order the lessons of World War II, how the latter influenced their strategic planning and forecasts with the emergence of nuclear weapons. The author outlines the key features of this period (1945–1949), including still fresh memories of the unprecedented destruction and losses of the past war, the US ‘nuclear monopoly’, and the absence of a system for nuclear deterrence. The paper provides a systematic comparison of lessons from the past war, learnt by the Soviet, the US and British establishment, identifies similarities and differences between them. The author concludes that WWII was perceived by the political and military leaders of that time as a model of the eventual ‘great war’ in the future, which almost certainly would be ‘total’ and ‘global’ in scope and would demand both thorough preparations during the peacetime and the militarization of civil life. Indeed, the experience of WWII had greatly influenced the strategic and operational planning in the USSR, the USA and Great Britain in 1945–1949. Moscow prepared to face the potential aggression on its Western borders or in the Far East in order to avoid the mistakes of 1941. In Washington the decisionmakers acknowledged the Soviet superiority in conventional weapons and didn’t exclude the possibility that the Soviet Army could quickly establish control over the Western Europe and that the US military would have to retake it in a ‘new Operation Overlord’. The pessimistic outlook of the ‘defense of the Rhine’ was also shared in London, and the British military planned to evacuate the troops to the British Isles (‘shadow of Dunkirk’) and to focus on strategic bombing of the USSR and its allies. Even the appearance of nuclear weapons, that would dramatically alter the strategic context in the following years, played a relatively minor role in 1945–1949. The author concludes that the shadow of World War II and its lessons had a long-lasting effect on the post-war international relations.


1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Frank C. Darling

From the opening of Thailand (Siam) to the West in the middle of the nineteenth century until World War II the dominant European influence in thissmall independent country was that exerted by Great Britain. Although other Europeans played important roles in the technological and administrative development of Thailand, the British were able to retain a pre-eminent position in the affairs of the country. The bulk of Thailand's rice trade was with the British empire, and a British expert was traditionally employed by the Thai absolute monarchs as their leading financial adviser. The British likewise played a vital role in preventing the French from seizing larger territories in Thailand as these two leading colonial powers clashed in Southeast Asia in the 1890's. An agreement between Great Britain and France in 1896 enabled Thailand to retain its national independence, and until World War II Thailand served as a buffer state between the British colonialists in Burma and the French colons in Indochina.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Zhadan

The article is devoted to the currently little-studied topic which is the influence of the political and socio-economic processes of the final stage of the World War II on the activities of the Khabarovsk Krai NKVD organs. The study was based on the archival documents related to the work of the NKVD organs of the Far East in the second half of 1945. The collections of documents stored in the departmental archive and information center of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Khabarovsk Krai constituted the source base of the research. Most of the archival sources used by the author are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The techniques of historical criminological analysis were applied in the process of research. The author considered the peculiarities of the transition of law enforcement agencies of Khabarovsk Krai to work under martial law connected with the events of the Soviet-Japanese war; structural transformations of the first post-war period, including the formation of new territorial bodies in South Sakhalin; activities in combating crime and protecting public order. It is concluded that the geopolitical events in the region and the internal social processes of the period under study demanded that the NKVD of Khabarovsk Krai not only strengthen the traditional activities to combat crime and protect law and order but also organize work in a number of new areas. The study of archival documents showed that the internal affairs bodies paid considerable attention to the organization of civil defense and the protection of population from possible attacks by Japanese aircraft during that period. Assessing the effectiveness of the activities of the territorial bodies of the Khabarovsk Krai NKVD in the period between June and December of 1945, the author concludes that despite a number of difficulties which were largely caused by the problems connected with personnel and logistics, the internal affairs bodies managed to ensure public safety and law and order in the front-line region and to prevent criminal excesses (outbreaks of banditry, group escapes or prisoner riots, etc.) and sabotage at strategically important facilities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidiya Evgenievna Grishaeva

The author writes about the outstanding Soviet diplomat, politician and statesman A. A. Gromyko. On the priority directions of A. A. Gromyko. The fact that Soviet diplomacy, expressed by A. A. Gromyko, contributed to the victory of the countries of the Anti-Hitler coalition in World War II. About the United Nations — a new international organization of the nuclear era, with universal competence and a broad representative composition, in the creation of which A. A. Gromyko made a significant contribution. On the main provisions of the UN Charter, which is signed by A. A. Gromyko. On controversial issues on the formation of the foundations of the UN, in the solution of which A. A. Gromyko was directly involved: initial membership; the problem of "small countries"; “veto” rule; the composition and powers of the UN Security Council, etc. On agreements on the limitation of nuclear weapons, in the development of which A. A. Gromyko, who ensured the effectiveness of the "nuclear deterrent" strategy. On the principled position of A. A. Gromyko in the negotiations on the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, which contributed to its settlement. About the professional qualities of A. A. Gromyko, about his mastery of the art of diplomacy, about his state thinking as a person, which ultimately led to the recognition of the USSR as a Great Power. The fact that the strategy of "nuclear deterrence", at the origins of the political and diplomatic development of which was A. A. Gromyko, still guarantees universal security. The fact that the "nuclear parity" of the opposing sides was achieved and legally formalized thanks to, among other things, the diplomatic efforts of A. A. Gromyko, which did not allow the Cold War to develop into an open nuclear confrontation. The author has convincingly shown that A. A. Gromyko was not just an ordinary government official, he really made a decisive personal contribution to the construction of a new post-war world order, which for more than 75 years has been ensuring the sustainable development of mankind without global wars.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-176
Author(s):  
Ariella Azoulay

This article utilizes photographs taken in Berlin just after the end of World War II to reconstruct the history of mass rape that took place in the city during this period and to argue for this event as foundational to post-war democratic political regimes that inscribed imperialism’s ruling logic within a ‘new world order’. In arguing this point, the author refuses the positivist and evidentiary frameworks through which scholars typically work with photographic images, abjuring an over-emphasis on what is or is not seen within the photographic image, instead focusing on the photograph’s affective and sonic registers, as well as other types of inscriptions in the body of the camera and emissions that require another modality of re/coding. By rereading images historically interpreted as documenting Berlin’s destruction alongside and through textual evidence of the mass rape, this analysis challenges the imperial scopic regime that has classified these images as not being photographs of rape, and connects this act of photographic erasure to the Allies’ post-war efforts to present themselves as saviors, thus legitimizing their continued imperial dominance over the world’s populations.


Author(s):  
Joseph M. Siracusa

‘The night Stalin and Churchill divided Europe’ discusses the important meeting between Josef Stalin and Winston Churchill in Moscow on 9 October 1944, when they agreed a plan for the Balkan region. The diplomatic efforts of the latter stages of World War II are described with the negotiations between the Three Powers — Stalin's Russia, Churchill's Great Britain, and Franklin .D. Roosevelt's United States. FDR and Churchill understood that the needed Soviet victories would come with a price. They never contested the Soviet annexations under the Nazi–Soviet Pact. Nor did Roosevelt ever seriously challenge the personal diplomacy of Churchill and Stalin to divide Eastern Europe into spheres of influence.


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