China Issues in the US Presidential Campaign

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Sang-Hwan Lee
Keyword(s):  
Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonny Hall

This article asks how Donald Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric during his presidential campaign and presidency has affected US foreign policy in the area of overseas counterterrorism campaigns. Looking at two case studies – the May 2017 Arab Islamic American Summit and the US role in the counter Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) campaign, it is argued that Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has failed to accurately describe or legitimate his administration’s counterterrorism strategy, as per the conventional wisdom. Instead, Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has largely been aimed at creating a sense of crisis (as populism requires) to mobilise his domestic base. In making this argument about the purpose of Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric, not only does the article contribute a new perspective to the extant literature on elections, rhetoric, and US foreign policy, but also to the burgeoning scholarship on governing populists and their foreign policies. Although these findings could be unique to Trump, the article’s novel framework – combining International Relations and populism scholarship to elaborate on how the foreign arena can be used to generate a state of perpetual crisis – can hopefully be applied in other contexts.


Author(s):  
James F. Goode

This chapter opens with the 1976 presidential campaign. Each candidate made efforts to attract Greek Americans’ support, but Carter criticized Ford’s handling of Cyprus, promising to do more for the island, and won them over. Vice President Mondale played a major role in formulating foreign policy and also served as liaison with his former colleagues in Congress. The new administration had to decide quickly how to deal with Cyprus. The US-Turkey Defense Cooperation Agreement that Ford had submitted to Congress caused some awkwardness for the Democrats. The new president sent senior statesman Clark Clifford to the eastern Mediterranean to gather information. Following Clifford’s report, the administration seemed ready to pursue a bizonal solution on the island, which Archbishop Makarios was willing to accept. With Makarios’s unexpected death and Turkey’s continuing resistance to US pressure, however, the White House paid less attention to the island, turning its attention to other regional troubles.


Significance Bangkok and Washington are long-standing close partners, but the coup that installed the junta saw Washington recoil. Simultaneously, Myanmar, the recipient of much US encouragement in its reform process, is transitioning from military rule. The Obama administration's final months will be spent managing this emerging 'new normal' in US relations with Thailand and Myanmar. Impacts US military-to-military cooperation with Myanmar is likely to grow, albeit slowly and cautiously. US security ties with Thailand will continue, but at a reduced level for the foreseeable future. The Trans-Pacific Partnership will feature in the US presidential campaign; Thai membership is years away at best.


Significance Three out of five Ex-Im Bank board seats are vacant, denying the federal corporation the quorum needed to approve export credit guarantees for deals valued over 10 million dollars or lasting more than a year in duration, a significant setback for large US exporters, including Boeing, Bechtel, Caterpillar and General Electric. Impacts Obstacles to quality mass production for Canadian, Chinese and Russian aerospace firms limit their competitive edge. Opposition to the Ex-Im Bank from within the Democratic Party may grow as a result of Senator Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign. Troubled Canadian firm Bombardier is likely to benefit from the US vacancy, should it receive a bailout from the Canadian government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 169 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
Frank Sligo

This article explores President Trump’s populist politics and its implications for scholars in communication studies, examining how Trump’s supporters need to be better understood within their own context. The thinking of Laclau, Mouffe and others, based particularly on observations of European populism, is employed to shed light on how populist social trends may undermine the legitimacy of rational public discourse and foster public acceptance of authoritarianism. Their perspective also gives insights into means by which scholars can better understand their own responsibility to avoid falling into the trap of invective-swapping seen during the US 2016 presidential campaign. In so doing, the article suggests ways whereby scholars can work towards the protection of a free society and help resolve the crisis of populism in ethical, informed and nuanced ways that help to arrest a drift to authoritarianism.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler Reny ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Vanessa Cruz Nichols

Abstract Throughout the 2016 US presidential campaign and the first 2 years of his presidency, Donald Trump has repeatedly dehumanized immigrants in pursuit of more restrictive immigration policies. Despite the common perception that this threat should increase the political mobilization of Latino voters, existing research has yielded mixed findings. In this article, we argue that attention has to be paid to both threatening climate and mobilization. We examine Latino voting in the 2018 midterm election using both aggregate election data from 2014 and 2018 as well as a large 10-week tracking poll (n=2767) of Latinos during the last 2 months of the 2018 election. We show that, compared to 2014, the number of ballots cast by Latinos increased substantially. Using the tracking poll, however, we show that threat alone did not appear to be sufficient to mobilize Latino voters in the 2018 election. It is threat combined with mobilization, rather, that increased Latino voting. We discuss implications for future Latino political participation in the US.


Semiotica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (226) ◽  
pp. 185-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Wignell ◽  
Kay O’Halloran ◽  
Sabine Tan

AbstractThis paper uses a social semiotic perspective to analyze Donald Trump’s domination of media coverage of the US presidential campaign from 16 June 2015, when he announced his candidacy for nomination as the Republican candidate until 8 November 2016, when he was elected as President of the United States. The paper argues that one of the keys to Donald Trump’s domination of media coverage was that, in presenting himself and his agenda, he foregrounded interpersonal meaning by making himself the focus of attention of the campaign through strategies that invaded various semiotic spaces to form a “sub-semiosphere” of Trump dogma. The effects of this were that what he did and what he said captured the majority of media attention at the expense of his opponents, enabling him to win the election, despite his complete lack of background experience as a politician.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-147
Author(s):  
Vito Laterza

Abstract I first provide some context about Cambridge Analytica’s (ca) activities, linking them to ca parent company, scl Group, which specialised in “public relations” campaigns around the world across multiple sectors (from politics to defence and development), with the explicit aim of behavioural change. I then analyse in more detail the claims made by mathematician and machine learning scholar David Sumpter, who dismisses the possibility that ca might have successfully deployed internet psychographics (e.g. online personality profiling) in the winning 2016 Trump presidential campaign in the US. I critique his arguments, pointing at the need to focus on the bigger picture and on the totality of ca methods, rather than analysing psychographics in isolation. This is followed by a section where I use ca whistleblower Christopher Wylie’s 2019 memoir to show the important role that in-depth qualitative research and methods akin ethnographic immersion might have played in building ca big data capabilities. I provide an angle on big data that sees it as complementary, rather than in opposition to, human insight that comes from qualitative immersion in the social realities targeted by ca. The concluding section discusses additional questions that should be explored to gain a deeper understanding of how big data is changing political campaigning, with an emphasis on the important contribution that anthropology can make to these crucial debates.


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