scholarly journals History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1-Feb) ◽  
pp. 185-190
Author(s):  
Shabnum Mukhtar

After the independence of India in 1947, it got divided into two territories of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, which was a princely ruled state at that time, was in a state of confusion whether it should accede to India or Pakistan or stay sovereign. Hari Singh, the then Maharaja of Kashmir, felt it better to accede with India than Pakistan and signed the instrument of accession with India. The government of Pakistan resisted this accession as they were keen to add this region to their territory and thus started the Kashmir conflict. India and Pakistan have fought for more than seventy years over Kashmir. Wars over Kashmir resulted in eleven United Nations resolutions and two peace agreements, but the problem of Kashmir remained unsolved. For more than seventy years, India and Pakistan have driven a cycle of violence, retaliation, and exploitation in Kashmir, and this dispute over Kashmir has caused at least forty-seven thousand deaths and made Kashmir one of the most militarized1 regions of the earth and is still a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris have roused many times against oppression, tyranny, and occupation. There are umpteen historical documents of earlier times, where they have challenged numerous rulers for their ugly behavior, right from 1585, at the onset of the Mughal rule.This paper deals with the origin of the Kashmir conflict and historical and political background, and its effect on India and Pakistan.

1977 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Eduardo Galeano ◽  
William Rowe

During long sleepless nights and days of depression, a fly buzzes and buzzes around the head:' Writing, is it worth it?' In the midst of the farewells and the crimes, will words survive? Does this profession, which one has chosen or which has been chosen for one, make any sense? I am South American. In Montevideo, where I was born, I edited some newspapers and journals; one after the other they were closed down, by the government or by the creditors. I wrote several books: they are all banned. At the beginning of ‘73, my exile began. In Buenos Aires, we founded Crisis. It was a cultural journal with the biggest circulation in the history of the Spanish language. In August of last year its last number appeared. It could not continue. When words can be no worthier than silence, it is better to say nothing. And to hope. Where are the writers and journalists who produced the journal? Almost all have left Argentina, Some are dead. Others, imprisoned or disappeared. The novelist Haroldo Conti, or what remained of him, was seen for the last time in the middle of May 1976. Broken by torture. Nothing more has been heard of him. Officially, he was not detained. The government washes its hands. The poet Miguel Angel Bustos was taken from his home and has disappeared. The poet Paco Urondo was killed in Mendoza. The writers Paoletti and Di Benedetto are in prison: As is Luis Sabini, the journal's head of production: he is accused of possessing arms because he had a bullet to make himself a key ring. Our editor, Carlos Villar Arauja, was the first to go. In July 1975 he had to leave the country. He had published a courageous work, with documentary evidence, on oil in Argentina. That edition of Crisis was put on sale in the kiosks and, six evenings later, Carlos did not come home to sleep. They interrogated him with his eyes covered. The police denied holding him. Two days later he was flung, by a miracle still alive, into the woods of Ezeiza. The police said they had arrested him by mistake. They circulated lists of those condemned to death. The poet, Juan Gelman, editor in chief, had to take a plane. Some time later, they came looking for him in his home in Buenos Aires. As he was not there, they took his children away. The daughter turned up alive. Of the son and daughter-in-law, seven months pregnant, nothing is known. Unofficial government information indicated that they had been in prison and had been set free. The earth has swallowed them up. In such stormy times, the profession of writing is dangerous. In such circumstances, one recovers pride and joy in words, or loses respect for them for ever.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sayaka Funada-Classen

The independence of Mozambique in 1975 and its decolonisation process attracted worldwide attention as a successful example of ìnational unityî. Yet, the armed conflict that broke out between the government and the guerrilla force in 1977 lasted for sixteen years and resulted in over a million deaths and several million refugees, placing this concept of ìnational unityî into doubt. For nearly twenty years, Sayaka Funada-Classen interviewed people in rural communities in Mozambique. By examining their testimonies, historical documents, previous studies, international and regional politics, and the changes that various interventions under colonialism brought to the traditional social structure, this book demonstrates that the seeds of ìdivisionî had already been planted while the liberation movement was seeking ìunityî in the struggle years. Presenting a comprehensive history of contemporary Mozambique, this book is indispensable for Mozambican scholars. It promises to serve as a landmark study not only for historians and the scholars of African studies but also for those who give serious consideration to the problems of conflict and peace in the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Susanto Polamolo

Indonesia pernah melalui masa sulit di rezim Orde Baru. Kala itu, segala sesuatu yang paralel dengan khususnya sejarah seputar perumusan dasar negara (Panca Sila), menjadi begitu sulit untuk diperoleh, apalagi untuk mengemukakan fakta yang sebenarnya. Penelusuran dokumen-dokumen sejarah begitu minim didukung pemerintah, dokumen-dokumen itupun tercecer di mana-mana, publik hanya diedukasi dengan pendidikan sejarah dari para sejarawan versi pemerintah saja. Bukan karena Orde Baru telah menjadi masa lalu, tetapi, karena apa yang disebut sebagai sumber-sumber primer perlu diperiksa kembali. Di antaranya seperti: Naskah UUD 1945, yang disusun M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI yang disusun oleh Sekretariat Negara; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, yang disusun oleh Nugroho Notosusanto (dkk); Piagam Jakarta, yang disusun oleh Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, yang disusun oleh Pranarka. Sumber-sumber ini diam-diam diterima, dan diam-diam pula diakui bermasalah, atau diragukan keotentikannya. Persoalan tersebut semakin diperjelas dengan temuan sejumlah arsip oleh para sejarawan tata negara seperti A.B. Kusuma, di mana sebelumnya, “Panitia Lima” (1975) telah pula menegaskan bahwa sumber-sumber yang dipakai pemerintah tidak valid, di antaranya adalah naskah yang disusun M. Yamin. Maka, sejarah perumusan Panca Sila kadang berada di jalan bersimpang, simpang batas-tegas pertentangan tentang keotentikan sumber sejarah, menjadi tugas utama agar sumber-sumber tersebut diuji satu dengan lainnya (metode heuristik dan konklusi eksplanatoris). Agar mengerucut satu kesimpulan yang utuh dan sistematis mengenai sejarah perumusan dasar negara dan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dikemukakan di dalamnya menjadi satu kesatuan pemahaman atas kenyataan, dan agar menguatkan sendi-sendi konstitusionalitas kita hari ini yang mulai tercerabut dari akar sejarahnya, bagaikan “inang yang dipaksa berpisah dari induknya”.Indonesia had been through a difficult period in the “Orde Baru” regime. At that time, everything parallel with history especially around the basic principle of the state (Panca Sila) became so difficult to obtain, especially to express the facts. The tracking of historical documents was so poorly endorsed by the government. The documents were scattered everywhere. The public was only educated with historical education from only government version historians. Not because the “Orde Baru” has become the past, but, because the so-called primary sources need to be checked again. Among them are: Naskah UUD 1945, compiled by M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI, prepared by State Secretariat; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, compiled by Nugroho Notosusanto (et.al); Piagam Jakarta, prepared by Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, prepared by Pranarka. The above sources are secretly accepted, and secretly admittedly problematic, or are doubted the authenticity. The issue was further clarified by the findings of archives by state historians such as A.B. Kusuma, in which before, the “Panitia Lima” (1975) had also asserted that the sources used by the government were invalid, one of them was the text compiled by M. Yamin. Thus, the history of Panca Sila sometimes in a stray way of disputes about the historical sources authenticity. That became the primary task for which resources were tested against each other (heuristic methods and explanatory conclusions). In order to conceal a whole and systematic conclusion about the history of the basic formulation of the state and the ideas expressed in it become a unity of understanding of reality, in order to strengthen the joints of our constitutionality today which begins to be uprooted from its historical roots, like “a host which is forced to apart from its main”.


Author(s):  
Neophytos Loizides ◽  
John McGarry

This chapter examines the 2002–04 Annan Plan for Cyprus, considered one of the most comprehensive peace plans in the history of the United Nations. The Annan Plan was conceived in an effort to secure agreement on a reunited federal Cyprus within the European Union. However, it was rejected during the two April 2004 referendums by the overwhelming majority (76 percent) of Greek Cypriots, although it was endorsed by 65 percent of Turkish Cypriots. The Annan Plan is significant for the wider empirical and conceptual issues it raises with regard to constitutional transitions and externally mediated peace agreements. The chapter first provides a background on the Cyprus conflict before discussing the constitutional negotiations around the Annan Plan and its unintended outcomes. It also highlights the broader lessons imparted by the process, pointing in particular to the Annan Plan’s provisions on power-sharing, sovereignty, security, and human rights.


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Willetts

No account of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held at Rio de Janeiro in June 1992 and popularly known as the Earth Summit, would be complete without coverage of the activity of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). They generated debate with the government and in the media in many, perhaps most, countries. They took part in the preparatory work, wrote special reports, joined governmental delegations to Rio and ran a large forum in parallel to the official conference. UN officials have described the role of NGOs as having been ‘unprecedented‘, and that is the general view. It is less widely known that NGOs have been influential at UN conferences for decades and that they were in danger of having less access than normal to the Earth Summit. Far from the situation being ‘unprecedented’, the NGOs made such an impact at Rio because the weight of precedents made it impossible to restrict their numbers and their activities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-159
Author(s):  
Lily Rueda Guzman ◽  
Barbora Holá

The peace agreement recently concluded between the Government of Colombia and the farc-ep not only marked a milestone in the history of Colombia and peace making; it also introduced an unprecedented penal measure: negotiated criminal punishment. This example demonstrates that criminal punishment can be moulded to accommodate the needs of a society undergoing a political transition triggered by a peace negotiation. In the 1990s Garland already pointed out that penal measures are shaped by their social and historical context, and also affect their social environment. Based mainly on a sociological perspective on punishment, this article analyses the relationship between the punishment negotiated in the recent peace talks with the farc-ep and the Colombian government’s trying to come to terms with atrocities committed during the armed conflict. Based on the Colombian experience, this article also outlines contextual factors, which shape how punishment is negotiated in the context of peace agreements


Author(s):  
Igor I. Ermakov

On the release of volume XIV of the almanac “Tobolsk and all Siberia”, dedicated to the history of the Siberian Cossacks. The edition contains little-known facts and historical documents, prominent representatives of Cossack outlaws are also mentioned.


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