scholarly journals On Heterodox Economics

Author(s):  
B Pradeep Kumar

In the literature of Economics itself, branches have evolved thanks to different positions held by economists on different economic issues, and most importantly, on the efficacy and desirability of economic policies to address such economic issues. The so-called Classical and Keynesian poles apart positions have stood as the firm foundation for the germination of a couple of developments in economics. But, it may be reiterated that these positions have been premised upon several assumptions which often go diametrically opposite to real-world circumstances. The growing concern of the disconnect of the mainstream economics from the conditions of the real world has made a vacuum. The attention that heterodox economics has been receiving should be regarded as a response to this fill this vacuum. Google searching deliberations on the Covid-19 pandemic would find economics being discussed elsewhere and everywhere as if the economics of the Virus matters a lot rather than its biological side. Heterodox economics has grown to occupy an important place in modern economic thinking, and in the years to come, in the field of teaching as well, the elements discussed in heterodox economic will have an indisputable place. In the field of policy making, too, the principles of heterodox have been used. Nevertheless, mainstream economics does not seem to have been shaken by the claims of heterodox economics. For economics to continue as rigorous social science, much celebrated neo-classical tools and its ideas are still more important.

2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Peter Galbács

This paper offers a few remarks on the so-called heterodoxy commentaries of recent times (e.g. Bod 2013, Csaba 2011). In accordance with the growing popularity of unusual economic policy actions, a set of “tools” is emerging that aims to exert its effects breaking with instrumental actions. Outlining a special framework of the history of mainstream economics, it will be argued that economic policy only gradually has become capable of applying this system. In our view, both the emergence of symbolic economic policies mentioned above and the rise of heterodoxy are on the same level, since certain governments can only operate through giving signals. Although it is not the time to formulate ultimate and eternal generalised statements, it may perhaps be stated that symbolic economic policies can make some room for manoeuvring available as a last resort. In other words, the possibility of a certain kind of economic policy “tools” can be derived from theoretical considerations, and this set has become highlighted recently by some constraining changes in the macroeconomic environment. Our theoretical framework will be filled sporadically with some episodes from the last few years of the economic policy of Hungary.


2003 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Majoros

The study introduces a Hungarian economic thinker, István Varga*, whose valuable activity has remained unexplored up to now. He became an economic thinker during the 1920s, in a country that had not long before become independent of Austria. The role played by Austria in the modern economic thinking of that time was a form of competition with the thought adhered to by the UK and the USA. Hungarian economists mainly interpreted and commented on German and Austrian theories, reasons for this being that, for example, the majority of Hungarian economists had studied at German and Austrian universities, while at Hungarian universities principally German and Austrian economic theories were taught. István Varga was familiar not only with contemporary German economics but with the new ideas of Anglo-Saxon economics as well — and he introduced these ideas into Hungarian economic thinking. He lived and worked in turbulent times, and historians have only been able to appreciate his activity in a limited manner. The work of this excellent economist has all but been forgotten, although he was of international stature. After a brief summary of Varga’s profile the study will demonstrate the lasting influence he has had in four areas — namely, business cycle research and national income estimations, the 1946 Hungarian stabilisation program, corporate profit, and consumption economics — and will go on to summarise his most important achievements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-188

Images of free time are used today to give the impression that alienation from work is being alleviated. As a result, exploitation of the workers who are constantly occupied with “self-realization” becomes even more effective. Free time becomes a fetish — a means of productively engaging people’s energy through various scenarios in which they are (supposedly) enjoying their leisure time pursuits. Is it even possible to undo the fetishization of free time? And if so, how else might we conceptualize it? In seeking an answer to these questions the author continues the discussion of akrasia launched by Michail Maiatsky in his article “Liberation from Work, Unconditional Income and Foolish Will” (Logos, 2015, 25[3]) in which Maiatsky expressed a well-founded fear that a contemporary “post-Nietzschean” person might respond to the “gift of unconditional freedom” with an irrational desire to test the boundaries of that boon and end up as Dostoyevsky said “living by his own foolish will.” A hypothesis to address that fear argues that the intentions behind such an “akratic rebellion” are inherently rooted in the fetishistic logic that dominates both current perceptions of free time and also the debate about providing a basic income. The akratic reaction is a form of phantasmatic acting out of the painful suspicion that efforts to reach liberation could turn into another form of bondage. The roots of this bind can be found in the historically embedded form of economic organization, which is based on a sense of dire emergency. We owe this understanding of the “economic dispositive” to the work of Giorgio Agamben, but it is already discernible in Xenophon. We can find an indication of its dominant position in modern economic thinking in Nikolay Sieber’s (1844–1888) criticism of the postulates of the “subjective school” of economics. Because the economy acquires a sacred aspect within this dispositive, akrasia may be compared with a sacrilegious trespass of its boundaries. However, Agamben proposes that challenging any form of the solemn ceremonies of capitalism’s priesthood in a way that is not merely imaginary must necessarily be a kind of profanation.


Algorithms ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
Tobias Rupp ◽  
Stefan Funke

We prove a Ω(n) lower bound on the query time for contraction hierarchies (CH) as well as hub labels, two popular speed-up techniques for shortest path routing. Our construction is based on a graph family not too far from subgraphs that occur in real-world road networks, in particular, it is planar and has a bounded degree. Additionally, we borrow ideas from our lower bound proof to come up with instance-based lower bounds for concrete road network instances of moderate size, reaching up to 96% of an upper bound given by a constructed CH. For a variant of our instance-based schema applied to some special graph classes, we can even show matching upper and lower bounds.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Kim

Deviations from traditional notations seem counterintuitive— as the norm works well. The reason why such a system holds an important place is because centuries of work, over many cultures and languages, did go into establishing it, a grammar was both induced and deduced upon agreement in collaboration with different professions: composers, theorists, the musicians themselves, had to come up with a method verified by consensus. Once such a system has reached a point of stability, further developments seem regressive: a perfect world would be one where the entirety of those involved agreeing upon a halt of development, upon the absence of any further trials and errors onwards. Such a thing never seems to happen in any sort of system: “graphic” notations were developed onwards from the traditional system— defying and reconstructing the rules that were held in place by consensus, perhaps as genuine development, possibly as regression, or even the destruction of that which was in place.


1968 ◽  
Vol 183 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antony Vickers

The paper is in three parts. The first concerns the social and economic implications of technological progress with particular reference to electric power generation, the iron and steel industry and transportation. The second part relates to the fundamental principles of money as a means of payment and a measure of value; also explains the controlling factors which regulate the purchasing power of money. In the third part the author suggests what might be achieved if, by more modern economic policies, redundant resources were to be transformed into national assets and increased gross national product.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Michael John Davis

<p>This paper examines a form of “live project” that casts the design studio topic in three distinct roles. In one guise it is a collaborative, “real world,” engagement with a range of stakeholders. In another it presses toward the production of buildings, while in a third, it acts as the vehicle for higher level academic design research. Within the design studio at the University of Auckland, School of Architecture and Planning these three imperatives are juxtaposed to define the contested territory from which the architectural project emerges as negotiated, speculative-yet-realisable outcome.<br />The aim of this discussion is to demonstrate the triple focus model of live project and the problem currently confronting it: a local instance of a complex, widespread problem between the architectural academy, the profession and the market.<br />Since 2007 a succession of community groups, businesses and developers have brought their projects to the design studio at the school. Typically they have come looking for speculation as to the potential of their projects, the kind of breadth of exploration that generally is not viable within commercial architectural organisations. Meanwhile, through these projects, students are asked to conduct research into the development of their own critical, architectural making practices.<br />The text begins with an account of one particular project – a speculation as to the development opportunities of heritage buildings on “earthquake prone” sites in Auckland for one of the country’s most progressive developers. It looks at the larger academic, professional and market conditions being responded to and thus situates this type of live project before concluding with an outline of potentials for its advancement. In so doing it signals work to come.</p>


Author(s):  
Todd Oakley

Money is a human creation arising from organic, technological, and symbolic resources. The complexity of its operations makes it difficult to comprehend. The origins of money can be dated with some accuracy, but the social and symbolic processes that led to this world-changing invention are poorly understood. One of the most persistent misunderstandings that adversely affects modern economic thinking is that money emerged from barter. As will be discussed, the origins of money have more fundamental symbolic, social, and political foundations in statecraft, warfare, religion, and gift-giving. Moreover, money develops among beings capable of considerable flexibility in combining or “blending” ideas from diverse, sometimes incommensurate, domains of knowledge and experience, and specifically among a species for whom institutions—socially constructed habits of thought and action—are ontologically criterial. This chapter aims to provide a foundation for thinking about money as an institutional semiotic system. Topics covered include money and barter; sovereign money; money and gift-giving; money and violence; the money/language analogy; and international monetary exchanges.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Desch

This concluding chapter evaluates the increasing tendency of many social scientists to embrace methods and models for their own sake rather than because they can help people answer substantively important questions. This inclination is in part the result of the otherwise normal and productive workings of science but is also reinforced by less positive factors such as organizational self-interest and intellectual culture. As a result of the latter, many political scientists have committed themselves to particular social science methods not so much because they believe they will illuminate real-world policy problems but because they serve a vested interest in disciplinary autonomy and dovetail with a particular image of what a “science” of politics should look like. In other words, the professionalization of social science is the root of the enduring relevance question. The chapter then offers some concrete suggestions for how to reestablish the balance between rigor and relevance in the years to come.


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