scholarly journals Борьба польской дипломатии за признание границ по Одеру-Нейсе и попытки установления дипломатических отношений между ПНР и ФРГ

Author(s):  
Людмила Гавриловец

The article examines the problems of Poland to recognize the western border by the FRG and establish diplomatic relations between the states in the post-war period. It is concluded that it was the reluctance of the federal government to recognize the Polish German border along the Oder-Neisse that created difficulties on the path of political cooperation between Poland and the FRG.

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-315
Author(s):  
Rachel Chin

The conclusion of the Franco-German armistice in June 1940, followed by the severing of Franco-British diplomatic relations less than two weeks later, has been viewed by historians as the end of Anglo-French cooperation against the Nazi war machine and the beginning of a resurgence in tensions between two historical rivals. However, my research argues that in the days and weeks surrounding the French defeat the British government followed a policy of continuity in its depictions of the Anglo-French relationship. It did so by publically distancing the bulk of the metropolitan French population from Marshal Philippe Pétain’s government. Shining a light on these British policies provides new insights into a number of crucial points. First: the assumption that once victory was achieved, France would assume a place in the victor’s circle. Maintaining, rhetorically at least, the indivisibility of the French population with British war aims was thus crucial to the survival of the long-term and ultimately post-war Anglo-French relationship. Second: these early claims of the non-representativeness of Pétain’s government are important because they suggest that the construction of the French myth of resistance began much earlier and was in fact born out of the idea of Anglo-French cooperation rather than conflict.


Author(s):  
Mike Almeida

This paper on Canadian university-based research centres and institutes in the immediate post-war period shows that the traditional view of federal government support for university research must be revised. We have found that centres financed by the Defence Research Board of Canada did not only perform fundamental research and that the federal agency relied on extra-scientific criteria in the distribution of its research funds. Beside enhancing recent work that show that universities have never been “ivory towers”, our study sheds knew light on the role and place of research centres in Canadian institutions of higher education. By responding to the knowledge needs of external constituencies, centres enable universities to access a broader range of research support. They also serve to buffer the academic core of the university from the distortions that those demands would undoubtedly cause if they had to be met within a departmental context.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-298
Author(s):  
Putnam Barber

AbstractDuring the first half of the 20th century, many of the techniques of modern fundraising were developed. During these decades, fundraising demonstrated its potential for supporting important community goals, financing efforts to combat dread diseases, and initiating change in public policies. In this same span of years, community leaders, journalists, and policy makers became increasingly concerned with growing opportunities for inefficient or even downright dishonest fundraising. Local governments, federated fundraising organizers, and nonprofit charity ratings agencies attempted to forestall abuses of the public’s generosity. Further, during the Second World War, the federal government imposed significant controls on fundraising for war-related activities. The year 1954 saw the passage of new laws in two states that anticipated the most common form of charitable solicitations regulation in the second half of the century, a form that is widespread today. This paper traces developments from the end of the 19th century to show how the ground was prepared for post-war efforts by state governments to regulate charitable fundraising.


1979 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 529-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ogura Kazuo

I had the opportunity to participate in the five major negotiations between China and Japan from 1972 to 1975 (i.e., the talks over the normalization of diplomatic relations, and the aviation, trade, shipping and fishery agreements), and to observe the tactics, both offensive and defensive, used by the Chinese participants. Personal impressions are bound to be biased, but fortunately there are at least two books which give us detailed accounts of negotiations between China and Japan in the post-war period. These are The Record of Fishery Talks between China and Japan and The Secret Memorandum of Sino-Japanese Negotiations. The former, written and edited by the Japan-China Fishery Association, whose leaders negotiated with China in 1955, is a complete record of the first fishery talks between the Japanese fishermen's organization and Chinese authorities. These negotiations centred on the regulations which Japanese and Chinese fishermen were to observe in the East China and Yellow Seas in order to avoid collisions and other accidents. The negotiations also covered some conservation measures, such as the establishment of several conservation zones along the coast of China and seasonal restrictions of the catch of some types of fish.


1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 1103-1108
Author(s):  
Willard Ice ◽  
Simon Stickgold

The states can do little toward winning the war except to give their whole-hearted coöperation to the President's program for prosecuting the war. This coöperation is, of course, essential and of inestimable value; but the states are not engrossed in planning strategy, directing the war effort, or financing the struggle. By comparison with the federal government, they have immeasurably more time and energy available for engaging in other activities. This time and energy should be devoted to the achievement of something constructive; and the most constructive contribution which the states can make to our national economy is to devote themselves now to the task of preparing for a rôle of active participation in dealing with the serious problems with which we shall probably be confronted after the war. Even if those problems, for one reason or another, do not materialize, it is far better to be prepared for an emergency which never comes than to be unprepared for one which does come.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iryna Kaviaka

The article analyzes British and American historical records dealing with the Polish-German border after World War II. The establishment of the Polish-German border along the Oder-Neisse line was one of the most widely debated topics in Germany’s post-war history. The article reviews the opinions of British and American historians. It analyzes different periods in the development of both histographies relating to the Polish western border, and discusses the main and key factors that had led to the evolution of the definition of the Oder-Neisse line as the Polish-German border.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehdi Masoumi ◽  
Mohammadreza Soroush ◽  
Ehsan Modirian ◽  
Batool Mousavi ◽  
Mohammad Ali Hemmati ◽  
...  

Introduction: Physical disability, especially in childhood and adolescence can cause major psychological problems such as depression and anxiety. Burden of landmine in western border cities of Iran caused many disabled survivors through the years after Iran-Iraq war. Aims: To investigate the potential association of disability of activities of daily living and symptoms of depression and anxiety in adolescents’ affected of post war landmine in Iran. Methods: This study employed two questionnaires for 35 adolescents’ survivors of mine explosions; the prevalence of anxiety and depressive symptoms was examined using the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25 (HSCL-25) and the ability to perform activities of daily living (ADL) was measured by the Barthel index questionnaire. In addition, the association between anxiety and depression with demographic characteristics and activities of daily living was estimated. Results: Maximum independency was in activities of feeding, bowels, bathing and grooming while highest dependency was in activities of mobility, stairs and dressing. All of the cases have shown depression and the prevalence of anxiety was 31 (88.6%). An analysis of the data reveals significant association between activities of daily living included dressing, feeding, grooming and bathing with depression and anxiety (p<0.05). Although eye injured cases had the most complete independency (50%) in ADL but a significant direct relation was observed between eye impairment and depression (p=0.050). Conclusion: Overall, the study suggested that adolescents with physical disability due to landmine explosion may be suffering from depression and anxiety.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Ali A. Wibisono ◽  
Aisha R. Kusumasomantri

This research examines the inter-regional security cooperation between ASEAN and the EU with a specific focus on counterterrorism. The research methods are based on a comparison of regional counterterrorism governance between the two regions and a close reading of Plan of Actions for the enhancement of ASEAN-EU relations documents from 2007 to 2018. The results show that CT cooperation is about facilitating a more comprehensive security governance cooperation where European standards and experience are transferred to Southeast Asia for purposes of regional security and diplomatic relations. In addition, this research also shows that EU-ASEAN CT cooperation has not been geared specifically to combat radicalism, or as part of a Counter Violent Extremism program; rather, the inter-regional cooperation has mainly focused on building a common normative framework in responding to terrorism within the corridor of democracy and preempting the terrorist networks from exploiting connectivity networks. Finally, implementation of security and political cooperation between the EU and ASEAN tend to rely on the existing extra-regional dialogue fora within ASEAN as well as direct engagement between the EU and third parties comprising each of the ASEAN states.


2006 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin Finkel

Abstract During World War Two, all federal political parties sought to accommodate the growing demand for "welfare state" programs. Mackenzie King's Liberals successfully checked the growth of the CCF by promising a comprehensive program of cradle-to-grave security. After the 1945 election the Liberal government prepared such a program and brought it to a dominion-provincial conference whose purpose was to determine the taxation and administrative arrangements necessary for its implementation. The "conference", which became a series of mini-conferences stretched over nine months, ended without agreement. The federal government blamed recalcitrant premiers in Ontario and Quebec for the conference's failure and abandoned much of the reform program. This article argues that the federal government, in fact, wanted the conference to fail because it did not want to undertake the expenses implied in the reform proposals. After proving inflexible in dealing with provincial criticisms, it cynically and successfully manipulated events to make it appear that the provinces had killed hopes for reform. Post-war prosperity and a declining interest in reform, particularly on the part of the corporate and medical elites, contributed to the federal government's unwillingness to pursue reform vigorously.


Significance In late August, Nigeria’s federal government effectively shut the country’s border with Benin and parts of the western border with Niger for 28 days to stop what the federal government calls “massive smuggling activities”, especially of rice, undermining its self-sufficiency drive. Impacts Nigeria’s ‘under-recovery’ costs on subsidised fuel sales may reduce as the illegal export of refined products is hampered. The closures will likely lead to even larger prices distortions, potentially resulting in more violent smuggling tactics. Broader trade could also be affected given the importance of Benin’s Cotonou port for Lagos businesses. Neighbouring states will face pressure to limit smuggling into Nigeria; Niger has already banned rice exports to Nigeria.


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