THE ROLE OF INSTITUTIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA DURING THE CRISIS OF MIGRANTS 2015 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 2041-2044
Author(s):  
Argëtim Saliu ◽  
Muaz Agushi

During 2015 and at the beginning of 2016the Republic of Macedonia faced the issue of the large number of refugees and emigrants from the Middle East, especiallyfrom Syria, who used the territory of the Republic of Macedonia as a bridge between the Balkans and the European Union. The Republic of Macedonia was the first country to offer medical assistance to the refugees; moreover, it registered the refugees and later on shared the recorded data with other countries.Furthmore, in order to help this important process except state institutions other non-governmentalorganizations were involved.With the usage of the decsriptive, statistical and historical methods, this project aims to offer readers the wide range of activities that the state institutions of the Republic of Macedonia undertook regarding the noted issue.

2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sevasti Trubeta

Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 333-350
Author(s):  
Artur Adamczyk ◽  
Mladen Karadzoski

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


2020 ◽  
pp. 57-60
Author(s):  
S.A. Evseeva ◽  
N.M. Gogolev ◽  
V.A. Sotnikov ◽  
T.E. Burtseva ◽  
E.A. Borisova ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Goran Ilik

This chapter explores the key features of the concept of postnationalism, its modes, and theoretical implications regarding the European Union. The main research intention is to explore the EU as a model and an agent for reconciliation of the Balkan region. For that purpose, the main operative elements of both the South East European Cooperation Process and “Yugosphere” are examined. At the end, it is concluded that the emulation of EU postnational model by the Balkan countries enables the process of reconciliation. Hence, the Balkan states seems to be “forced” to cooperate with each other, in order to achieve their common objective – their full integration into the EU, which strongly confirms the role of the EU as an agent for reconciliation of the Balkans.


Author(s):  
Dushica Stevchevska Srbinoska

The act of due diligence is of vital importance when considering the possibility to enter the Macedonian market through merger and/or acquisition transactions. In this paper, I discuss that due diligence helps reduce potential risks or even results with curtailing the transaction as most of the Letters of intent never come to life. Many Macedonian entities, both public and private, operate in an environment considerably different to the European Union economies, a fact that inspires many questions with potential investors, especially in those who come from the European Union. If proper preparation takes place, and the expectations and processes are duly taken into account, successful merger and/or acquisition can be conducted in the Republic of Macedonia in spite of facing numerous difficulties.  Finally, I discuss that several suggestions/factors can maximize the chances of success, demonstrated with the example of due diligence process set-up prior to the one.Vip merger that marked the Macedonian communications industry in 2015.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edik Minasyan

The work presents a complete scientific research on the history of Yerevan in the period of the Third Republic of Armenia (1991-2018). The analysis of the materials of the RA National Archive, various press and other relevant literature shows the process of the establishment of the RA independent statehood, the socio-political, socio-economic-cultural life of Yerevan, the role of capital in the administrative-political system of the republic, its comprehensive assistance to Artsakh, foreign relations, including sister cities, international organizations and structures. The book is addressed to historians, political scientists, those interested in Yerevan’s history, and wide range of readers in general. (in Armenian).


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Memet Memeti ◽  
Veli Kreci

The paper explores the role of the municipal councilors in the budget process in the Republic of Macedonia as well as their role in motivating citizen participation in the budgetary process in the Republic of Macedonia. We demonstrate that municipalities in the Republic of Macedonia employ various forms of participatory mechanisms in the process of public policies and budgets according to their context. There are vivid dissimilarities in terms of opportunities and scope of citizen participation as well as discrepancies of councilors capacity to facilitate this process when cross-matching information and data derived from small rural and bigger urban municipalities. It is evident that very little has been accomplished in terms of defining uniformed processes and developing systems related to the relations between councilors and local community. We identify barriers that are impediment to a genuine involvement of the councilors as mediators between the Mayor and the community in the local budgeting process. We argue that any policy intervention in this dimension ought to be tailor-made, hence every municipality has its specific features that ought to be taken into account when designing an intervention to address shortcomings of the processes and the systems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Asaturov ◽  
Andrei Martynov

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.


2015 ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Victor Friedman

The Balkan Sprachbund in the Republic of Macedonia Today: “Eurology” as Discontinuity and Dialectology as ContinuityIn the article, I attempt to uphold the thesis about the continuity of the processes which gave rise to the phenomenon of the Balkan linguistic league. I argue that these processes are very much alive in today’s Republic of Macedonia and in other Balkan states. I develop my thesis drawing on examples from modern languages: Macedonian, Albanian, Aromanian, and Romani in its urban variation spoken in modern Republic of Macedonia. However, while in all other Balkan states the classic Balkan multilingualism is present as a distinctive feature on the local level, in Macedonia it is manifest both on the local level and in the cities. I thus point out the need for dialectological research in urban and multilingual rural sites so as to overcome the limitations of classic dialectology, with its historic-nationalist, monolingual focus. Only the former type of research allows for the study of language contact as the source of language change. Finally, I emphasise the fact that the Balkan Sprachbund assumed its present form in a period when what became the core of the EU was divided into dozens of mini-states, while in the Ottoman state, as Olivera Jašar-Nasteva said, you could travel the whole territory of the Empire with one document (teskere). This means that the idea of creating a unified linguistic alliance with the centre constituted by the “old” EU member states and the Balkans as its periphery is a product of contemporary political situation, not of the historical context which enabled the emergence of the Balkan Sprachbund.Bałkańska liga językowa w Republice Macedonii dziś: „eurologia” jako nieciągłość i dialektologia jako ciągłośćW niniejszym artykule staram się podtrzymać tezę o ciągłości funkcjonowania procesów, które wykreowały fenomen bałkańskiej ligi językowej i ich żywotności na terytorium dzisiejszej Republiki Macedonii, a także na obszarze pozostałych bałkańskich państw. Tezę tę dokumentuję poprzez przykłady zaczerpnięte ze współczesnych języków, macedońskiego, albańskiego, arumuńskiego i romskiego w miejskim wariancie na terytorium dzisiejszej Republiki Macedonii. O ile jednak klasyczna bałkańska wielojęzyczność jest obecna jako cecha dystynktywna we wszystkich państwach bałkańskich na poziomie lokalnym, to w Macedonii jest to cecha występująca zarówno na poziomie lokalności, jak i w miastach. W związku z tym, w artykule wskazuję na potrzebę badań dialektologicznych w miastach i wielojęzycznych wsiach, a nie tylko na poziomie klasycznej dialektologii z jej narodowo-historycznym i jednojęzycznym ukierunkowaniem, jako że tylko w tych pierwszych można zbadać źródłowe rezultaty kontaktu językowego. Wreszcie podkreślam fakt, że bałkańska liga językowa swój dzisiejszy obraz osiągnęła w czasie, kiedy Zachód, zwłaszcza zaś obszar jądra dzisiejszej Unii Europejskiej, był podzielony na osobne jednostki polityczne, tymczasem po terytorium Imperium Osmanów podróżowało się, jak podkreśla Oliviera Jašar-Nasteva, z jednym dokumentem podróży (teskere). Oznacza to, że idea stworzenia jednego europejskiego językowego sojuszu z centrum w obrębie "starych" państw-członków Unii Europejskiej i Bałkanami jako jego peryferiami jest płodem współczesnej sytuacji politycznej, nie zaś historycznego kontekstu, który umożliwił powstanie bałkańskiej ligi językowej.Балканcки јазичен cојуз во Република Македонија денеc: „eурологија” како неконтинуитет и диjалектологија како континуитетCо примери од cовремените македонcки, албанcки, влашки, и ромcки градкcи говори во Република Македонија, во оваа cтатија cе докажува дека процеcите што го cоздадоа балканcкиот јазичен cојуз во минатото cе уште функционираaт во Република Македонија, како и во другите балканcки земјии. Cепак, додека клаcичната балканcка многујазичноcт cе уште cе наоѓа во cекоја балканcка земја, таа поcтои повеќе на локалното ниво во другите земји додека во Македонија таа cе уште е доcта раcпроcтранета, оcобено во градовите. Во врcка cо тоа, во cтатијата cе наcочува кон фактот дека заедно cо клаcична дијалектологија cо нејзината национална и еднојазично-иcториcка ориентаcија, има потреба и за дијалектологија на градовите и многујазични cела, затоа што точно во тие контекcти ги забележуваме изворните резултатите на јазичен контакт. Најпоcле, иcто така cе наcочува кон фактот дека балканcкиот јазичен cојуз го добиваше неговиот cовремен образ точно во времето кога во западна Европа, оcобено во териториите кои поcле cтануваат јадрото на Европcката Унија, поcтојуваше огромна политичка фрагментација додека во Оcманcката Империја, како што велеше Оливера Јашар-Наcтева, cе патуваше низ целиот полуоcтров cо едно теcкере. Значи идеата на еден европcки јазичен cојуз cо центар во јадрото на cегашната Европcка Унија и cо Балканот на периферијата е повеќе cоздадена од cовремената политчка cитуација, а не одговара на иcтроиcките околноcти нa балканcкиот јазичен cојуз.


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