scholarly journals MISSIONARY AND CHARITABLE ACTIVITIES OF ST. VOLODYMYR’S BROTHERHOOD OF KYIV PROVINCE (THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX - EARLY XX CENTURIES)

2021 ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Oksana Alyoshina

This article analyzes the charitable and missionary activities of St. Volodymyr’s Brotherhood. These areas were of primary importance in the Brotherhood’s activities and reflected the intentions of the Russian authorities to consolidate the Orthodox religion on the territory of Right-Bank Ukraine and Galicia during World War I. The methodology of the paper is based on the principles of historicism alongside the general scientific and special-historical methods: critical, analytical, synthesis, and generalization. Scientific novelty. On the basis of the little-known archival documents, the missionary activity of the Brotherhood among the Jews was analyzed, the quantitative indicators of the so-called “christenings” were introduced into scientific circulation. The main aspects of philanthropic activities of the Brotherhood during World War I were revealed. Conclusions. The new economic conditions associated with the results of the reform in the Russian Empire and the rapid pace of modernization demanded additional investments and the presence of the most loyal population in rather troublesome “neighborhoods”, which included Kyiv as part of Right-Bank Ukraine, from the authorities. The revival of religious institutions, perceived as “foreign” in the first half of the century, was part of the imperial plan to build a new model of loyalty and identity in the “Russian world” in which Orthodoxy had a prominent place. The desire of some Jews to go beyond the traditional constraints associating with Judaism and turning them into “foreigners” proved to be in tune with the tasks assigned to the brotherhoods in the context of their missionary activities. The charity of the brotherhoods during World War I had a completely pragmatic basis. In this way, the Russian authorities relied on the loyalty of Galician Greek Catholics (with far-reaching prospects for their conversion to the Orthodox faith).

Author(s):  
Irina V. Frolova

The author in the article analyses the process of formation of organisational and legal institutions during World War I on a specifi c example of a district town of Novgorod Province (Cherepovets). Local governments, including district councils (zemstvo), municipal governments and the institutions they created, played a great role in providing assistance to refugees on the level of districts (volost) and settlements. The study of Cherepovets archival documents on the refugees allows to suggest that the activities of the Committee named after Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna of Russia and the activities of the Provincial Committee of the All-Russian Urban Union were widespread here. All the events that were held at the local level initially were neither systematic nor co-ordinated, they completely depended on the local initiative because of the lack of a legislative framework for assistance to refugees in the Russian Empire during the fi rst years of the war. The government refugee institutions were created later (summer 1915 to spring 1916), and they had the structure similar to the exisisting state administrative bodies, and they were funded by the State Treasury.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Vadim Mikhailov ◽  
Konstantin Losev

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN SAWYER

Just months after the outbreak of World War I, rumors spread throughout the Russian Empire that Singer Manufacturing Company’s wholly owned Russian subsidiary, Kompaniia Zinger, was a German company that was actively engaged in espionage on behalf of the German military. Even though these rumors were untrue, they unleashed a wave of actions against the company that Singer’s officials were unable to stop, ultimately leading to tremendous losses for the firm. The central argument of this article is that the power of the accusations of Singer’s German ties rested far more on the nature of the company’s business model than on the national affiliation of its personnel or evidence of espionage. In the context of World War I–era Russia, many Russians took Singer’s operations not as those of an international capitalist enterprise, but rather as evidence of the company’s questionable foreign character. This perspective helps us to understand why Singer’s management had such difficulty shaking the accusations of its German ties; if what was suspicious about the company was the very foundation of its business model, then its continued operation meant that it necessarily exhibited characteristics that reinforced the basis for said suspicion. These findings have implications for international business history, the history of late-Tsarist Russia, and the history of capitalism.


Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov

This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.


Author(s):  
Yulia Shustova ◽  

The article reviews the monograph by Alexandra Kirichuk and Irina Orlevich, which examines the activities of the Lviv Stavropigi Institute. This organization played a significant role in the socio-political, religious, cultural, educational, scientific life of the Ukrainians in Galicia. It arose as a result of the reform of the Lvov Ukspensky Stavropigian brotherhood in 1788. The chronological framework of the work covers the period from the transformation of the Lvov brotherhood into the Stavropigian Institute in 1788 until the outbreak of the First World War. More than a century of the organization's activity is considered in the broadest context of the spheres of public life in Lviv and Western Ukraine. The study was written on the basis of sources that are diverse in their species structure. Most of the sources are archival documents and are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The authors gave a detailed description of the legal and financial foundations of the activities of the Lviv Stavropigi Institute. The monograph provides a description of the achievements and failures of the Lviv Stavropegia in different spheres of public life in different periods. – The authors examined in detail the national-political, church-religious, cultural, educational, publishing and charitable activities of Stavropigia. The monograph by О. Kirichuk and I. Orleviy is a significant contribution to the study of the history of one of the most important institutions in the Ukrainian lands in the last quarter of the 18th – early 20th centuries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

Part I of the book—covering Europe’s continental empires—begins with Chapter 2 on the Russian Empire. The state’s overreliance on revenues from the imperial vodka monopoly is laid bare beginning with the temperance revolts of the 1850s, when the empire was almost bankrupted when peasants refused to drink. The understanding of temperance as opposition to imperial autocracy is traced through the antistatist teachings of Leo Tolstoy and early Bolsheviks, including the prohibitionists Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Despite official opposition to “subversive” temperance activism, at the outbreak of World War I in 1914 Tsar Nicholas II made Russia the first prohibitionist state, though the loss of state revenue paved the way for the revolutions of 1917. Lenin maintained a prohibition against the vodka trade, which was only undone after Lenin’s death by Joseph Stalin, who reintroduced the tsarist-era vodka monopoly in the interests of state finance.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati

The national minorities question in Romania has been one of crises and polemics. This is due, in part, to the fact that Greater Romania, established at the end of World War I, brought the Old Romanian Kingdom into a body politic (a kingdom itself relatively free of minority problems), with territories inhabited largely by national minorities. Thus, the population of Transylvania and the Banat, both of which had been constituent provinces of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, included large numbers of Hungarians and Germans, while Bessarabia, a province of the Russian empire, included large numbers of Jews. While the Hungarian (Szeklers and Magyars), Germans (Saxons and Swabians), and Jewish minorities were the largest and most difficult to integrate into Greater Romania, other sizeable national minorities such as the Bulgarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Serbians, Turks, and Gypsies also posed problems to the rulers of Greater Romania during the interwar period and, in some cases, even after World War II.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Zeynep Bulutgil

According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.


2019 ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
O. Demenko

The article explores the revolt of Kazakh people against the Russian colonial policy which took place during World War I in 1916. There are analyzed the main reasons of the revolt, amongst whichsocio-economic factors as well as political factors are determined. In spite of the fact that the revolt of 1916, which had taken the form of National Liberation Revolution, generally was defeated, it causedthe growth of national self-determination, the increase in political participation and also formed certain experience of independent Kazakh people’s state-building. The revolt swept almost the whole territory of modern Kazakhstan and took an unprecedented scale and cruelty within the Russian empire. In consequence, the significant losses were incurred and hundreds of thousands of people were forced to leave their homelands. These events are considered to be the direct consequence of the colonial police of the Russian Empire towards the subdue peoples.


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