scholarly journals Da ALCA à CELAC: o Brasil e os desafios da integração continental / CELAC the FTAA: Brazil and the challenges of continental integration

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 424-447
Author(s):  
André Luiz Reis da Silva ◽  
Isadora Loreto da Silveira
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The U.S

 Este trabalho procura, primeiramente, analisar o processo de negociações da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (Alca), que reuniria 34 países do continente americano, ou seja, todos que o compõem, à exceção de Cuba. Busca-se também examinar os desdobramentos diretos e indiretos das negociações, pois se infere que o impacto desse projeto sobre as relações entre os EUA e os países da América Latina e Caribe, e entre os próprios países latino-americanos, foi muito significativo. A proposta foi lançada na I Cúpula das Américas, em 1994, por iniciativa dos EUA, e tinha o encerramento de suas negociações previsto para 2005. Embora não tenha sido implementada, a negociação da Alca produziu efeitos, contrabalançando processos de integração latino-americanos. A corroboração do fracasso da proposta da Alca, em 2005, em Mar del Plata, sublinhou a importância dos processos próprios de integração e concertação política sul e latino-americanos. Esse acontecimento é relevante, pois tais processos se configuram como vias para o desenvolvimento e a defesa dos interesses nacionais dos países da região. A análise deste artigo parte das negociações da Alca durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, examina a proposta de "Alca light" do governo Lula, e culmina na derrocada do projeto da Alca, nas iniciativas latino-americanas autônomas - como a CALC e a CELAC - e na nova estratégia dos EUA para a região.   Abstract: Firstly, this paper seeks to analyze the Free Trade Area of ??the Americas (FTAA) negotiation process, which would bring together 34 countries in the Americas, that is, all who compose it, except for Cuba. We also examine the direct and indirect consequences of negotiations, because the impact of this project on relations between the U.S. and Latin America and the Caribbean, and also among Latin American countries, was very significant. The proposal was launched at the 1st Summit of the Americas in 1994, as a U.S. initiative, and the closure of negotiations was scheduled for 2005. Although it has not been implemented, the FTAA has produced effects, counterbalancing processes of Latin American integration. The corroboration of the failure of the proposed FTAA, in 2005, in Mar del Plata, stressed the importance of the development of Latin and South America's own processes of integration and political coordination. This event is relevant, since such processes constitute ways for the development and defense of national interests of the countries in the region. This paper's analysis departs from the negotiations during the Cardoso government, examines the Lula administration proposal of a "light FTAA", and culminates with the collapse of the FTAA project, with autonomous Latin American initiatives - such as CALC and CELAC - and with the new U.S. strategy for the region. 

scholarly journals The Impact of Migration in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Review of Recent Evidence

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan S. Blyde ◽  
Matías Busso ◽  
Ana María Ibáñez
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Return Migration ◽  
Developmental Outcomes ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Family Separation ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Migration Flows ◽  
Diaspora Networks ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

This paper summarizes recent evidence on the effects of migration on a variety of outcomes including labor markets, education, health, crime and prejudice, international trade, assimilation, family separation, diaspora networks, and return migration. Given the lack of studies looking at migration flows between developing countries, this paper contributes to fill a gap in the literature by providing evidence of the impact of South - South migration in general and for the Latin American countries in particular. The evidence highlighted in this summary provides useful insights for designing policies to leverage the developmental outcomes of migration while limiting its potential negative effects.

scholarly journals The Impact of Corporate Liability on Corruption in Latin America

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 320-325
Author(s):  
Guillermo Jorge
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Latin American ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Foreign Corrupt Practices Act ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Corporate Liability ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The U.S

Most Latin American countries are in the process of implementing international anticorruption standards, including standards for combating corporate corruption. Primarily based on the U.S. experience with the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), these international standards for combating corporate corruption are coalescing into a standardized paradigm, which requires states to establish corporate liability regimes that incentivize companies to prevent, self-police, and cooperate with law enforcement authorities in exchange for more lenient sanctions.

scholarly journals The FTAA as a Three-level Bargaining Game

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (133) ◽  
Author(s):  
ANIL HIRA
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Dynamic Shape

This paper applies Putnam’s (1993) seminal work on negotiations as a two level game, to the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) negotiations process. The paper compares the domestic ratification processes with the existing web of regional and bilateral trade agreements for insights into the relative bargaining strength and key issues for the most important economies in the hemisphere: the United States, Canada, Brazil, and Mexico. This paper delivers important insights into how the existing international and domestic legal and political context will affect the dynamic shape of FTAA negotiations, with the aim of finding strategies by which Latin American countries (LACs) can maximize their bargaining power.

scholarly journals Buena Vecindad y Populismo: El Caribe en las Relaciones Interamericanas de 1933 a 1946

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Antonio Gaztambide-Géigel
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Impact

ResumenLa historiografía sobre la Política del Buen Vecino nos ha permitido distinguir dos períodos en las relaciones estadounidenses con América Latina entre 1933 y 1945. Se ha discutido poco, sin embargo, acerca del efecto de ese cambio sobre las políticas y en las relaciones. Tampoco se ha dicho mucho sobre las diferencias entre el contenido e impacto del Buen Vecino en el Caribe y en el resto del hemisferio. Aquí se abordan ambas dimensiones de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el Caribe vinculándolas a los desarrollos políticos internos en diversas sociedades de la región. Entre otras cosas, se manifiesta una tendencia a interpretar los cambios en el Caribe utilizando conceptos y teorías de los países centrales (como fascismo, comunismo, etcétera) y del contexto latinoamericano (como nacionalismo, populismo, Buen Vecino, antimperialismo, etcétera). Este trabajo intenta revisar la aplicación de las teorías y conceptos, adoptar una perspectiva más comparativa y abordar cada experiencia en sus propios términos.Palabras chaves: Caribe, EUA, Relaciones Interamericanas, populismo, Política de buena vencidad.Boa Vizinhança e Populismo: o Caribe nas relações interamericanas de 1933 a 1946.ResumoA historiografia da Política de Boa Vizinhança permitiu-nos distinguir dois períodos nas relações dos EUA com a América Latina entre 1933 e 1945. Tem sido discutido pouco, no entanto, o efeito dessa mudança sobre a política e as relações. Também não disse muito sobre as diferenças entre o conteúdo e o impacto da Boa Vizinhança no Caribe e em outras partes do hemisfério. Aqui ambas as dimensões das relações entre os EUA e o Caribe serão abordadas, relacionando-as aos desenvolvimentos políticos internos em várias sociedades da região. Entre outras coisas, há uma tendência para interpretar mudanças no Caribe, utilizando conceitos e teorias dos países centrais (como o fascismo, comunismo, etc.) e o contexto da América Latina (como o nacionalismo, o populismo, bom vizinho, anti-imperialismo, etc.). Este trabalho pretende revisar a aplicação de teorias e conceitos, adotando uma perspectiva comparativa, e abordar cada experiência em seus próprios termos.Palavras chaves: Caribe, EUA, relações interamericanas, populismo, Política da Boa Vizinhança.Good Neighbor Policy and Populism: Caribbean on Inter-American Relations between 1933 and 1946.AbstractThe historiography of the Good Neighbor Policy has enabled us to distinguish two periods in the US foreign relations with Latin America between 1933 and 1945. However, the effect of this change on the policy and relations has been under discussed. In addition, there is no much saying about the differences between the content and the impact of the Good Neighbor in the Caribbean and elsewhere in the hemisphere. In this article, both dimensions of relations between the US and the Caribbean are addressed, relating to the internal developments policies in various societies in the region. Among other things, there is a tendency to interpret changes in the Caribbean, using concepts and theories of the central countries (such as fascism, communism, etc.) and also the Latin American context (such as nationalism, populism, good neighbor, anti-imperialism, etc.). This paper aims to review the application of theories and concepts, adopting a comparative perspective, and approach each experience on their own terms.Keywords:  Caribbean, USA, Inter-American Relations, Populism, Good Neighbor policy

China’s Arrival in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. H. Denoon
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trading Partner ◽  
Development Bank ◽  
The Past ◽  
New Development ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
East West ◽  
The U.S

This chapter lays out the basic themes of the book and examines the commercial and strategic interests of U.S. and China in Latin America. China has become the largest trading partner for more than half of the Latin American countries, while the U.S. has sought to be the preeminent power in Latin America and the Caribbean since 1823 and the announcement of Monroe Doctrine. China does not pose a direct military threat to the U.S. or its Latin interests, but it does represent serious competition in the economic and diplomatic arenas. In the past decade, a clear East-West split has developed among the Latin American states. Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina became more nationalistic and anti-U.S., while Chile, Columbia, and Peru have tended to be more market-oriented and comfortable working with U.S. power. The U.S. currently benefits from disarray on the Left in Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela. Newly developed institutions, e.g., UNASUR, the New Development Bank, and TPP, may also change the U.S.’s and China’s influence in the region.

scholarly journals VENEZUELA EN EL PROCESO DE INCORPORACIÓN AL MERCOSUR

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Dani José Villalobos Soto ◽  
Enio Enrique Ortiz Valenzuela
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Integration Scheme ◽  
Full Member ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Potential Benefits ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
América Del Sur ◽  
Benefits And Costs ◽  
Latin American Countries

Diversos han sido los esquemas de integración que han experimentado en sus prácticas los países de Latinoamérica, en su lucha por lograr una concentración de esfuerzos frentes a las vicisitudes en aras de alcanzar intereses comunes para la región. Esta investigación enfoca al MERCOSUR como un proceso de integración que busca la conformación de un mercado común por medio de la eliminación de barreras arancelarias y para arancelarias. En ese sentido el presente estudio considera la participación de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela como posible miembro pleno del bloque, también se analiza el escenario asimétrico que caracteriza a Venezuela para su ingreso al MERCOSUR, donde se destacan las asimetrías de Venezuela para con los países miembros del bloque sureño, considerando de esta forma los potenciales beneficios y costos que tendrá para Venezuela la inclusión real al conglomerado de países que integran el MERCOSUR. Se ha basado en un trabajo de tipo documental, donde se realiza un análisis sobre la inclusión de Venezuela al esquema integracionista. Como conclusión es importante destacar que el objetivo de MERCOSUR se basa en crear una zona de libre comercio para beneficio de los países que integran América del Sur. SUMMARY Various scheme of integration have been experienced in practices of Latin American countries in their struggle to achieve a concentration of efforts against the vicissitudes in order to accomplish common interests for the region. This research focuses on MERCOSUR as an integration process that seeks the creation of a common market through the elimination of tariff wall and nontariff. In this sense, the present study considers the participation of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela as a full member of the bloc; it also analyzes the asymmetric scenario that characterizes Venezuela for its entry into MERCOSUR, highlighting Venezuela’s asymmetries with members of the southern bloc, thus considering the potential benefits and costs that it represent for Venezuela the real inclusion to the group of countries that are part of MERCOSUR. The present study is based on a documentary work, making an analysis on the inclusion of Venezuela to the integration scheme. In conclusion it is important to note that the goal of MERCOSUR is based on creating a free trade area for the benefit of the countries of South America.

Negotiation Process and Negotiation Context

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Crump
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Doha Round ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Process And Outcome ◽  
External Events ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article examines how external events grounded in a negotiation’s relevant environment (i.e., negotiation context) influence negotiation process and outcome. Multilateral, regional and bilateral environments are examined through linkage theory to gain understanding about the impact of external events or context on negotiation process and outcome. Linkages between a negotiation and its context are examined through five trade negotiations: the WTO Doha round (multilateral-global); the Free Trade Area of the Americas (multilateral-regional); EU‐Mercosur (bilateral-regional); EU‐Chile (bilateral); and US‐Chile (bilateral). In addition to developing greater understanding about the strategic relationship between a negotiation and its context this article establishes a theoretic framework that defines the known universe of linkage dynamics. The impact of multilateral environments on the regional negotiation process and outcome is of particular interest, as is the strategic use of bilateral environments in seeking to achieve multilateral geopolitical ends.

Geo-Economic Competition in Latin America: Brazil, Venezuela, and Regional Integration in the 21st Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Casarões
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Integration Model ◽  
Trade Area ◽  
Complex Processes ◽  
The Us ◽  
New Institutions

The institutional framework of Latin American integration saw a period of intense transformation in the 2000s, with the death of the ambitious project of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), spearheaded by the United States, and the birth of two new institutions, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This article offers a historical reconstruction of regional integration structures in the 2000s, with emphasis on the fault lines between Brazil, Venezuela and the US, and how they have shaped the institutional order across the hemisphere. We argue that the shaping of UNASUR and CELAC, launched respectively in 2007 and 2010, is the outcome of three complex processes: (1) Brazil’s struggle to strengthen Mercosur by acting more decisively as a regional paymaster; (2) Washington’s selective engagement with some key regional players, notably Colombia, and (3) Venezuela’s construction of an alternative integration model through the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) and oil diplomacy. If UNASUR corresponded to Brazil’s strategy to neutralize the growing role of Caracas in South America and to break apart the emerging alliance between Venezuela, Argentina, and Bolivia, CELAC was at the same time a means to keep the US away from regional decisions, and to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis that sustained ALBA.

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