scholarly journals Structural Labor Rights

2021 ◽  
pp. 651
Author(s):  
Hiba Hafiz

American labor law was designed to ensure equal bargaining power between workers and employers. But workers’ collective power against increasingly dominant employers has disintegrated. With union density at an abysmal 6.2 percent in the private sector—a level unequaled since the Great Depression— the vast majority of workers depend only on individual negotiations with employers to lift stagnant wages and ensure upward economic mobility. But decentralized, individual bargaining is not enough. Economists and legal scholars increasingly agree that, absent regulation to protect workers’ collective rights, labor markets naturally strengthen employers’ bargaining power over workers. Existing labor and antitrust law have failed to step in, leaving employers free to coordinate and consolidate labor-market power while constraining workers’ ability to do the same. The dissolution of workers’ collective rights has resulted in spiking income inequality: workers have suffered economy-wide wage stagnation and a declining share of the national income for decades. To resolve this crisis, some scholars have advocated for ambitious labor law reforms, like sector-wide bargaining, while others have turned to antitrust law to tackle employer power. While these proposals are vital, they overlook an existing opportunity already contained in the labor law that would avoid the political and doctrinal obstacles to such large-scale reforms. This Article argues for a “structural” approach to the labor law that revives and modernizes its equal bargaining power purpose through deploying innovative social scientific analysis. A “structural” approach is one that takes into account workers’ bargaining power relative to employers in determining the scope of substantive labor rights and in resolving disputes. Because employers’ current buyer power strengthens their ability to indefinitely hold out on worker demands in the employment bargain, the “structural” approach seeks to deploy social scientific tools to tailor the labor law’s provisions so that they resituate workers to a bargaining position from which they could equally hold out. This Article makes three key contributions. First, it documents the dispersion and misalignment of workers’ collective rights under current labor law, detailing the historical narrowing of workers’ collective rights to limited tactics by a small set of workers against highly protected individual enterprises and the concomitant rise of employer power (Part I). Second, it introduces and schematizes the wealth of social scientific literature relevant for evaluating the relative bargaining power of employers and employees (Part II). And finally, it offers concrete proposals for how to apply these social scientific tools and insights to three areas of the National Labor Relation Board’s adjudication and regulatory authority: the determination of “employer”/”employee” status, the determination of employees’ substantive rights under section 7 of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), and the determination of what counts as sanctionable unfair labor practices under section 8 of the NLRA (Part III).

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Eric A. Posner

Antitrust law has very rarely been used by workers to challenge anticompetitive employment practices. Yet recent empirical research shows that labor markets are highly concentrated and that employers engage in practices that harm competition and suppress wages. These practices include no-poaching agreements, wage-fixing, mergers, covenants not to compete, and misclassification of gig workers as independent contractors. This failure of antitrust is due to a range of other failures—intellectual, political, moral, and economic. Until recently, economists assumed that labor markets are usually competitive when in fact recent studies reveal that they are usually not competitive. Commentators and politicians also seems to have assumed—falsely—that employment and labor law adequately addresses inequality of bargaining power and the resulting risk of wage suppression. The impact of this failure has been profound for wage levels, economic growth, and inequality.


Author(s):  
Adnan Hamid

This study aims to examine the Job Creation Law No. 11 of 2020 which contains the interpretation, position, and implications of the Act on employment in Indonesia. The research method used is normative legal research, and the findings of the research are the Job Creation Law No. 11 of 2020 is considered to have tended to ignore labor rights. This law was formed and ratified as a labor law, which is still considered far from the wishes of the people who adhere to democratic principles. This is due to the lack of optimal community involvement in the drafting process so that this law has very implications for workers. For example, workers do not have a strong bargaining position in labor law in Indonesia. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a manpower law that is in line with the mandate of the Preamble and the 1945 Constitution as a basis for the government and parliament in making laws and regulations and at the same time providing legal protection, especially for workers or laborers and employers simultaneously in order to create a society that is prosperous, and evenly distributed both materially and spiritually.


Author(s):  
Leonid Mohilevskyi ◽  
◽  
Olha Sіevidova ◽  

The Public Prosecutor's Office in Ukraine plays a major role in the protection of human rights and freedom, of general interests of the society and the country, and in the strengthening of law and order, thus facilitating the establishment and development of the democratic constitutional state. The effectiveness of performing the duties put onto the prosecution of Ukraine is directly dependent on the prosecutor's offices' employees that are empowered to fulfill their professional responsibilities. The legal status of an employee of a prosecutor's office is specified in the Law of Ukraine “On Public Prosecutor’s Office”. Although, some aspects of these employees' work activity are normalised in the general labor law. This expresses the principle of unity and differentiation of the legal regulation of prosecutor's office's employee's labor relations. This article researches theoretical approaches to the definition of the concepts "unity" and "differentiation". The unity of the legal regulation of labor relations is manifested in the legally established equality of all employees. Differentiation is not opposed to the principle of unity, but takes into account the characteristics of different categories of workers and working conditions to ensure equality. The relationship between the general labor law and the special law on the prosecutor's office regarding the adjustment of the labor rights of the employees of Ukraine's prosecutor's offices had been analysed. The key to effective legal regulation of labor rights of employees of the prosecutor's office of Ukraine is compliance with unity and differentiation. It had been determined that the differentiation of the legal regulation of prosecutor's office's employee's labor rights determines the mandatory and priority application of the special legislation norms. In turn, the unity of the legal regulation of prosecutor's office's employee's labor rights determines the subsidiary usage of labor legislation norms in cases of an employee's individual labor rights not being determined in the special law on Public Prosecutor's Office. Unification of labor law norms governing the labor activity of this category of workers will make it possible to achieve an optimal balance of unity and differentiation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Julia López López

Collective Labor Law as a mechanism of agency through workers representation has been challenged more than ever during recent last decades. The policies that have adjusted labor rights to new scenarios of economic policies have impacted collective bargaining structures and contents. The debates on centralization and de-centralization, workers participation, unions and workers strategies to countervail the erosion of labor rights have been part of the social agenda. Among the debates one very important one involves the study of the cases of the Basque Country and Catalonia. Their models of collective bargaining allow us to examine different strategies to achieve social goals through collective action with more successful results in the Basque case. El Derecho Colectivo del Trabajo como mecanismo de agency para las representaciones de los trabajadores ha tenido en las últimas décadas uno de los periodos más desafiantes en la consecución de sus objetivos sociales. Las políticas de ajuste a la crisis económica con nuevos escenarios políticos han impactado no solo en las estructuras de negociación colectiva sino además en los contenidos de los convenios. Debates en torno a centralización-descentralización, participación, estrategias para contrarrestar los efectos de erosión de los derechos sociales han sido parte de la agenda social. Entre los debates, el estudio que se refiere a los casos de País Vasco y Catalunya, en cuanto a las estructuras de negociación, es interesante a la hora de presentar las diferencias estratégicas y los mejores resultados en el caso vasco.


2018 ◽  
Vol 08 (12) ◽  
pp. 721-733
Author(s):  
Qiuxian Liang ◽  
Weidong Wu
Keyword(s):  

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Auspurg ◽  
Stefanie Gundert

SummaryThis article deals with the role of bargaining power in shaping workers’ willingness to accept fixed-term jobs. It is assumed that workers prefer permanent contracts but may be willing to compromise on job security under certain conditions. To what extent is the willingness to accept fixed-term contracts influenced by personal characteristics and contextual factors that shape individuals’ bargaining power vis-à-vis employers? In a factorial survey implemented within the German panel study “Labour Market and Social Security” (PASS) approx. 3,700 respondents evaluated more than 18,000 short descriptions (vignettes) of hypothetical job offers with an experimental variation of job characteristics, including contract type. Results show that better labor market integration and economic resources of the respondents reduce the willingness to accept insecure jobs. The effect of a better bargaining position also shows up in the higher level of financial compensation required for fixed-term contracts.Moreover, some variation by family background and gender has been found.


Author(s):  
Stuart O. Schweitzer ◽  
Z. John Lu

This chapter provides a comparative analysis of pharmaceutical expenditure levels across major global markets. It identifies several factors for the difference across countries, including national income, spending on overall healthcare, price for substitutable healthcare products and services, age distribution, patient and physician tastes and preferences, and even culture. The discussion focuses on seven of the largest national markets outside the United States: Japan, China, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Brazil. While there are notable differences between these markets, one especially important commonality distinguishes them from the United States: in every single market, the central government plays a pivotal role in the determination of drug prices by using its monopsonist power in negotiations with and regulations of drug manufacturers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Николай Демидов ◽  
Nikolay Demidov

The article analyzes system-related contradictions inherent to the development of the Russian labor law branch in XIX—XX. By means of historical-legal, comparative, dialectic methods the author investigates the roots of modern problems in law-making and law enforcement in legal regulation of hired labor relations. The author reveals negative factors in the development of the labor legislation, that are common for Russia and world leading countries. Among main evolutional problems in labor law, the author considers excessive centralization, a high degree of the right enforcement formalization, susceptibility of the branch to political environment, an important role of non-legal regulators of labor relations, low development level of security arrangements for labor rights, inadequate government supervision, a division of employees and employers’ interests, that is not always correct. The author draws the conclusion about the implicit, objective nature of the described defects and notes an essential impossibility to overcome them.


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