MILITARY COMPONENT OF THE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE "STRATEGIC TRIANGLE" RUSSIA – CHINA – USA: REGIONAL ASPECTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation policy in the strategic triangle Russia – China – USA on its current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, the Arctic, the middle East and in other regions of the world. An approach to the comparative assessment of this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in this area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 164-179
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The strategic and doctrinal documents of the United States, China and the Russian Feder-ation set out the views of the military and political leadership of these countries on how each country presents its main priorities in the field of foreign policy and ensuring global and regional security. This will allow us to formulate the interests of Russia, the United States and China. The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, a comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. The proposed ap-proach to assessing the impact of the possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the study can be used to substantiate recommenda-tions to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the inter-ests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies Russia's priorities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, as well as a comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. The results of the study can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China with the interests of Russia is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Levin ◽  
A. O. Pavlov

Introduction. The article analyzes the experience of creating and functioning zones of preferential economic regimes in the Asia-Pacific region. It is shown that in order to create better conditions for doing business on their territory, attract foreign and domestic investment, introduce innovative technologies, increase production volumes, increase the degree of localization and import substitution, increase exports of products and services, create new jobs. The APR countries are focused on the development and implementation of preferential economic regimes.Materials and methods. The methodological basis for the study of the formation and functioning of zones of preferential regimes are General scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, analogy) and special methods for analyzing the enclave approach, the theory of growth poles and growth triangles. The materials of the Far East development Corporation and the Ministry of the Russian Federation of the Far East and the Arctic development on the analysis of the practice of applying preferential regimes operating in the territory of the Russian Federation and abroad were used.Research result. The creation of preferential economic regimes with developed infrastructure in the last four decades in the Asia-Pacific countries has become a widespread practice that has allowed to expand the sales market, getting closer to the direct consumer, and minimize the costs associated with production and logistics through tax incentives and preferences.Discussion and conclusion. The Russian Far East, which is part of the Asia-Pacific region of the world, is inferior to the economic zones of the Asia- Pacific countries in terms of infrastructure quality and logistics development. It is concluded that additional measures are needed to support preferential regimes, increase investment attractiveness and improve the investment climate to ensure the competitiveness of the Far East in the Asia-Pacific region of the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (8-9) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
V. G. Martynov ◽  
V. N. Koshelev ◽  
V. V. Mayer ◽  
A. A. Tumanov

The role and importance of oil and gas in modern society cannot be overestimated. At the turn of the 18th century, with the advent of the first signs of fuel new to the world, the Russian state attached great importance to the creation of all conditions for the development of the oil business. This article highlights the background and development of oil and gas education in Russia, shows the stages of its formation in the post-Soviet space. Statistics is given on the number of students majoring in oil and gas direction on the territory in the Russian Federation. The authors dwell on the role of the Educational and Methodological Association in the formation of oil and gas education. Achievements and problems of oil and gas education functioning in Russia are considered.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (127) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The content of the new geo-strategic status of the Russian Federation that emerged after the collapse of the world socialist system and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The strategic conditions in which Russia is closely linked to the geopolitical environment that developed after the emergence of new independent states, the department new Russian borders. Russia in comparison with the USSR lost 25% of the territory, more than half of the population and the industrial and economic potential. RF is currently trying to stick to the geopolitical balance between Europe and Asia with a view to obtaining the role of the Eurasian transcontinental bridge. At the same time Russia was faced with geopolitical realities, which are connected with the restriction of its communications and foreign policy capabilities influence both on the west and south-east directions in connection with the new status of yesterday’s post-Soviet republics. Ukraine, Belarus and other former Soviet states of Eastern Europe addressed by the Russian Federation only as a geopolitical buffer on the south-western strategic flank. In the end, on the South Caucasus and Central Asia is assigned as a buffer on the south and south-east strategic flanks. From the point of view of the Russian geostrategy «vulnerable» segment of the border remains, which borders with Poland and the Baltic states. However, in recent years, Russia gradually loses its geopolitical influence in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. There is a significant probability that in the medium term, Belarus will pay its strategic vector of foreign policy towards the EU and NATO. Such transformation in the foreign policy of the newly independent states will be another step in the destruction of geopolitical influence of Russia in the post-Soviet space. This situation is further more than changing the geopolitical landscape of the post-Soviet space and affects the geopolitical picture of the world as a whole.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gurgen Levonovich Ghukasyan

In the new foreign economic conditions that have arisen as a result of a significant deformation of the cyclical dynamics of the world oil market, the views on the model of the socalled “rentier state” and “rentier economy” that apply to oil exporting countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and also to the states of the post-Soviet space, including the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, are of certain interest. For these states, in the face of declining oil export revenues, the question of changing the “rentier model” of development is relevant. At the same time, the recommendations of foreign authors are not acceptable in many aspects, but their analysis allows us to approach problems of overcoming the “raw nature” of the economy more comprehensively.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-145
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world. Compare the middle East policy of the States strategic triangle Russia – China – US can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.


2019 ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Dariusz Brążkiewicz

Abstrakt: Współczesna polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie jest elementem szerokiej strategii ukierunkowanej na cele w środowisku międzynarodowym oraz na cele wewnątrzpaństwowe. Polityka ta jest konfrontacyjna na płaszczyźnie Rosja – Zachód i stanowi koło zamachowe w dążeniu kraju do odzyskania dominującej roli w świecie. Zaangażowanie Federacji Rosyjskiej w konflikt w Syrii jest konsekwencją jej mocarstwowej polityki w zmieniającym się środowisku międzynarodowym. Głównym celem było wyeliminowanie rozwiązań USA i innych państw Zachodu w zakresie interwencji humanitarnej w Syrii. Poza tym utrzymując reżim Baszara al-Asada Federacja Rosyjska podjęła realizację własnego ładu na Bliskim Wschodzie, gdzie chce odgrywać kluczową rolę. Pomagają jej w tym Iran – wieloletni oponent USA oraz Turcja – nowy koalicjant, które mają też swoje partykularne cele w regionie. W przypadku polityki wewnętrznej, rosyjskie elity polityczne chcą utrwalić władzę populistyczną, oferując narodowi drogę dokonań państwa, szczególnie w wymiarze międzynarodowym – wskazując siłę militarną i wyższość polityczną, jako podstawowe elementy odbudowy mocarstwowej roli Federacji Rosyjskiej w świecie. Te kierunki polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej dają obraz konsekwentnych, a jednocześnie zaskakujących działań Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie. Abstract: Contemporary policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East is an element of a broad strategy focused on international and internal purposes. This policy is confrontational at the level of Russia - the West and constitutes a flywheel in the pursuit of the country to regain its dominant role in the world. The involvement of the Russian Federation in the conflict in Syria is a consequence of its superpower policy in the changing international environment. The main goal was to eliminate the solutions of the USA and other Western countries in the field of humanitarian intervention in Syria. What is more, maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad, the Russian Federation has embarked on the implementation of its own order in the Middle East, where it wants to play a key role. Iran, a long-term opponent of the USA, and Turkey, a new coalition partner that also has its particular goals in the region, are the countries which help Russia in this area. In the case of domestic policy, Russia’s power elites want to consolidate populist power by presenting the nation country’s accomplishments, especially in the international dimension, indicating military strength and political superiority as the basic elements of rebuilding the superpower role of the Russian Federation in the world. These external and internal policies give a picture of the consistent and also surprising actions of the Russian Federation in the Middle East


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