scholarly journals A User-Centric Case for Rights Reversions and Other Mitigations: The Cultural Capital Project Submission to ISED Consultation on Term Extension

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selman Brianne ◽  
Brian Fauteux ◽  
Andrew deWaard

Term extension is unlikely to benefit any but the largest of rightsholders, and indeed, in general independent creators typically do not benefit greatly from the promised financial exploitation promised by copyrights. This has been made even more evident by the COVID pandemic - while copyrighted works are consumed more than ever, independent creators have sunk further into poverty. We propose mitigation strategies for term extension that would help the people who are creating Canada’s cultural landscape, as well as additional actions that would alleviate additional current copyright losses.

The Theosophical Society (est. 1875 in New York by H. P. Blavatsky, H. S. Olcott, and others) is increasingly becoming recognized for its influential role in shaping the alternative new religious and cultural landscape of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and perhaps especially for being an early promoter of interest in Eastern religions and philosophies. Many scholars now point to the Theosophical Society’s early popularization of Eastern concepts in the West and that Blavatsky and Olcott were the first known Westerners to convert to Buddhism, but despite this increasing awareness many of the central questions relating to the early Theosophical Society and the East still remain largely unexplored. This volume is the first academic anthology specifically dedicated to a more detailed study of the early Theosophical Society and the East (1875–1900). In addition to locating and analyzing new historical material, this book explores how the Theosophists approached the East and how in so doing they were similar to and different from Orientalists at the time. It explores how Theosophists represented the East and engaged with the people they came into contact with. Major topics include Sanskrit, Buddhism, Hindu philosophy, Eastern masters, yoga, and how such subjects were written about in Theosophical journals and in modernist literature. The innovative studies in this volume also explore the close relation between Theosophy, Hindu reform movements, and Indian politics and thereby offer new insights into the role of modern esotericism, globalization, and cross-cultural dynamics in the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
NI WAYAN FEBRIANA UTAMI ◽  
NANIEK KOHDRATA

ABSTRACT Identification on Distinctive Landscape of Kampong Loloan in Jembrana Most of landscape in Bali is closely related to Hindu’s culture. In contrary, it is different in Kampong Loloan which is an area located in the Ijogading riverbank in Negara District, Jembrana Regency, Bali Province. It is unique because of the people and the culture, more and less, are identically similar to Malay culture. Their ancestors are mostly Malay or Bugis people or other ethnicities. The objective of this study was to identify the biophysical and social characteristic of Kampong Loloan along with spatial distribution of cultural and historical site found on the area. The methods used was conducted with three phase, 1) data collection with ground thruth check and literature study; 2) data analysis of biophysical and social character with spatial analysis; and 3) synthesis of cultural characteristics. The results showed that land use patterns in Kampong Loloan was based on river ecological zone. Three zone were identify, 1) the upstream zone (Ketugtug and Pertukangan sub-village); 2) the midstream zone (Loloan Timur and Kerobokan sub-village), and 3) the downstream zone (Mertasari and Terusan sub-village). The tangible heritage found in Loloan was stilt houses (rumah panggung) but the existence was threatened. Moreover, Malay-Loloan language, Adrah musical art, and Bugis martial art were found as the intangible heritage. Map analysis showed that cultural and historical site in Kampong Loloan were mostly found in the east side of Ijogading riverbank. Keywords: cultural landscape, Ijogading riverbank, Loloan, vernacular landscape


Sociology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jørn Ljunggren

The cultural elite are believed to be under siege due to significant changes in the ‘workings’ of cultural capital. Despite such changes, there is very little information about the class subjectivities of the ‘cultural elite’ themselves. The present article seeks to contribute to this shortcoming by taking advantage of in-depth qualitative interviews with individuals possessing great levels of cultural capital in a highly egalitarian country, Norway. This study shows that while the interviewees experience lack of recognition and honour from ‘the people’, they are far from passively descending. The main demarcation to other groups seems not to be cultural taste, but instead the orientation towards culture, broadly defined. While egalitarian sentiments are voiced, this does not hinder cultural elite awareness, but rather dampens how this can be expressed in public – merged into a form of elitist egalitarianism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 1722-1729
Author(s):  
FATIYA AMELIA ◽  
JOHAN ISKANDAR ◽  
RUHYAT PARTASMITA ◽  
NICHOLAS MALONE

Amelia F, Iskandar J, Partasmita R, Malone N. 2018. Recognizing indigenous knowledge of the Karangwangi Rural Landscape in South Cianjur, Indonesia for sustainable land management. Biodiversitas 19: 1722-1729. Karangwangi is a rural community on the south coast of West Java, Indonesia. The people of Karangwangi possess traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) of local landscapes through cultural inheritance and personal experiences of interacting with their environment. The people of Karangwani Village recognize various natural-cultural landscape types, including leuweung (forest); swidden field (huma); wet rice fields (sawah); home garden (pekarangan); garden (kebun); mixed-garden (kebun campuran); river (sungai); and sea (laut). These various landscapes have continuously changed over time due to people’s socio-economic and cultural activities. The aim of this study was to develop an ethnoecological approach to elucidate historical changes to the Karangwangi landscapes. Toward this aim, we conducted mixed-method, qualitative and quantitative research. In addition to recognizing the various types of cultural and natural landscapes, the local people of Karangwangi are able to describe the history of landscape changes between 1950 to 2017. As identified by informants, these changes have been caused by various factors, including increases in population density, implementation of government policies and village development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 676 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Stone-Cadena ◽  
Soledad Álvarez Velasco

Based on ethnographic research in the Ecuadorian Highlands, this article puts the mobility, migration, and smuggling practices of Ecuador’s indigenous people in historical and contemporary context. The people of Ecuador’s Southern Highlands have been on the move for generations, and migration is deeply embedded in the social and cultural landscape. In the rural communities of Cañar, indigenous coyotes are more than facilitators of migration: they are community members operating amid broader structural constraints, which have led to the emergence of specific trends in the facilitation of irregularized migration, yet they are expected to adhere to communal principles of reciprocity and trust. We place indigenous migrant narratives of mobility and identity at the center of our analysis of human smuggling, articulating a counternarrative to that of criminalization prevalent in transnational debates of irregularized migration, national security, and border control.


Author(s):  
Lelith Daniel ◽  
Rajani Gupte ◽  
Manisha Gore ◽  
Samir Barve ◽  
Shirin Shikalgar ◽  
...  

Over the past century, apart from COVID-19, human civilization has seen five other significant pandemics such as the H1N1 outbreak in 2009, Ebola outbreak in West Africa in 2014, and subsequent outbreak in Congo in 2019, Zika outbreak in 2016, etc. However, of all these outbreaks, perhaps the COVID-19 pandemic is unparalleled due to the global proportions that it has assumed. The severity of the epidemic can be seen in terms of the number of lives lost and the multi-dimensional impact that COVID-19 has had upon the economies of nations and lives of people. Beyond the physical sphere of human life, COVID-19 has also impacted human life's social, mental, and economic aspects. This study was conducted to understand the livelihood challenges faced by the residents of 5 villages in Mulshi taluka during the lockdown period. In-depth interviews were conducted with three respondents from each village (15 respondents). The study drew upon the insights given by key opinion leaders in the towns such as Sarpanch and elected members of the gram panchayat, ASHA workers, ration shop owners etc. Identify the livelihood challenges faced by the people during the lockdown imposed due to COVID-19. Describe the strategies adopted by the people to overcome the challenges to livelihood faced by the people. The residents of the village's studies faced various challenges related to agriculture such as lack of manpower to harvest produce, lack of transportation facilities to transport produce to markets, lack of storage facilities to store agricultural produce etc, loss of employment faced by daily wage laborers due to non-operational status of small businesses during the lockdown period and challenges due to reverse migration.


Author(s):  
James E. Snead

A few years after the conclusion of the Kentucky Mummy affair, Isaiah Thomas received a packet postmarked Circleville, Ohio—a town built within the remnants of the vast enclosure that had been emblematic of the perception of antiquities shared by the first generation of pioneers. It contained . . . two or three species of cloth, manufactured and worn by the people who erected our tumuli . . . These are fragments of the clothing found on mummies in the nitrous caves . . . [a] small, yet valuable addition to the Society’s cabinet. . . . By 1820 only limited evidence remained in the West of the desiccated burials that had recently stirred the imagination of American antiquarians and the public. The record does not tell us whether Moses Fisk ever located other artifacts from Caney Branch, or what happened to those he kept for himself. One of the associated mummies still resided in John Clifford’s Lexington cabinet, and there were undoubtedly other fragments dispersed in antiquarian collections throughout the western country, but the narrative about the history that these remains represented had been permanently disrupted. Yet even these scanty relics were restless. Just as the Kentucky Mummy herself represented cultural capital for the various “national” institutions, so the pieces of cloth and the forlorn body parts played their own symbolic role, connecting modern identity and indigenous past on the frontier. These relics circulated among western antiquarians, talismans both of material history and of membership in a community of inquiry. Thomas’s Circleville correspondent was Caleb Atwater. He had only recently come to the attention of the antiquarian world, courtesy of an 1817 western tour made by President James Monroe that included a brief stop in the mound country. Atwater met Monroe on the trip, and—in response to a presidential request—published a commentary on antiquities in the American Monthly Magazine and Critical Review that was apparently read in Worcester. Perhaps a favorable reference to the Mummy caught their eye: a month after the article appeared Atwater had been elected as a member.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-64
Author(s):  
Haiying Liu

History contains memories and homesickness. In urban development, we should innovate ideas, protect and make good use of them, integrate with the new pace of urban development and meet the growing cultural needs of the broad masses of the people. Jingdezhen Old Porcelain Factory, as a historic building, played an important role in the development of ceramic industrialization in the last century. How to effectively transform, present a suitable and livable cultural landscape, and make effective use of the left Industrial Relics is particularly important.


Author(s):  
Aigi Rahi-Tamm ◽  
Argo Kuusik

For Estonians, similarly to many other peoples, the German occupation (1941–44) stood for massive relocations of people that stemmed from the ethno-political aims and military needs of the National Socialist regime. The evacuation to Estonia in 1942–44 of Estonians who lived in areas to the east of the Estonian border – in Ingria, the region beyond Lake Peipus (the former county of Oudova), and the Luga River and Pskov area – is the focus of this article. This was an operation to bring ethnic Estonians who had emigrated to Russia before World War I back to their ancestral homeland. According to the plan of the head of the German SS and Police Heinrich Himmler, the approximately 80,000 Russians who lived along Estonia’s eastern border were to be settled to the east as an element foreign to Estonia both racially and in terms of their mentality and to replace them with the Estonians living on the eastern side of Lake Peipus. To this end, the Germans, Estonians, Baltic Finns and minorities of other origins living in Russia had to be registered first so that they could be resettled in Germany, Estonia, Finland or elsewhere. The registration of ethnic groups that began in October 1941 was completed in Ingria in February 1942. More than 81,000 persons were registered, among them over 12,000 Estonians. Registration continued in the Oudova area and elsewhere in 1942–43. The “yellow card” issued to registered persons permitted them to resettle. The evacuation of Germans began in January 1942. A while later, Estonians also received permission to relocate into Estonia via Narva. This initially took place on a voluntary basis and by the means of the people themselves. The organised extraction of Estonians began in the summer of 1942, while the more massive resettlement took place in 1943. Above all, difficult local conditions, especially hunger, frequent attacks by partisans, and the high-handed behaviour of the German authorities, forced the inhabitants to leave. Yet since there was a great deal of uncertainty concerning what lay ahead, many people were hesitated to leave. The situation changed in 1943, especially in the latter half of the year, when an offensive of Soviet forces was expected in the Leningrad area. On 21 September 1943, the supreme commander of the rear area of Army Group Nord Kuno-Hans von Both gave the order to implement Operation Roboter. According to this plan, not a single “person who could be put to use” was permitted to be left behind. Four routes were prescribed for the evacuation. A large number of people were brought across Lake Peipus on barges. The forcible evacuation of minorities that began in September was followed by the evacuation of local Russian inhabitants in October, which was carried out violently and at an accelerated pace, causing the inhabitants to flee to the woods en masse. Approximately 30,000 Russians were brought to Estonia in the course of this operation. Approximately 24,000 Estonians made it to Estonia in 1942–44. Most of them were put to work in agriculture. While the first Estonian resettlers were permitted to bring as much livestock, grain and property along with them as their means of transportation allowed, those who came later had to settle for bringing a few pieces of hand baggage. There was not enough food or places to live in Estonia. Those evacuees whose relatives invited them to stay with them were in a better situation. Most evacuees who had not found any relatives were housed in camps, from where they moved around chaotically looking for work and shelter, thus arousing fear in the local inhabitants of the spread of contagious diseases and annoyance due to the begging that ensued. Although farmers desperately needed a helping hand, the refugees often proved to be unreliable. After the Great Terror of the 1930s, in the course of which Estonians in the Soviet Union were murdered on the basis of their ethnic attributes, many regretted that they had not opted to return to Estonia in the 1920s. The dream of passage to Estonia came true in 1942–44 in a rather unexpected way, yet a number of disappointments were in store. The general attitude of Estonians living in Estonia was standoffish towards them as people who had come from “over there”, or the land of the Soviets. Contacts between families had been severed in the 1920s and 1930s. Attitudes, prejudices, fears and the years spent apart generated distrust and estrangement, which in some cases persisted for years. The evacuation of Estonians also meant the final collapse of the Estonian villages and the cultural landscape in Northwestern Russia. About ten thousand Estonians still lived in the oblasts of Northwestern Russia in 1989.


Africa ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. C. Jȩdrej

Opening ParagraphThe masks and associated traditions of the people of the central Guinea coast of West Africa are among the most obvious and well-known features of the contemporary cultural landscape of the region. For some time social anthropologists have described the functions of the masks as social control mechanisms (Horton, 1976). Recently anthropologists have been elucidating these cultural items in terms of symbolic or structural analyses (Fischer and Himmelheber, 1976; Jdrej, 1976; MacCormack, 1980; Phillips, 1978). So far the studies concerned with symbolism, where they have not been explicitly general and theoretical (Jdrej, 1980; Tonkin, 1979), have confined themselves to a particular culture or a particular mask or subset of masks.


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