scholarly journals Universe of A. P. Nazaretian

Author(s):  
I.Ya. Shimon ◽  

The article is devoted to the work A. P. Nazaretian, who was a wonderful scientist and successfully he developed many philosophical, sociological, historical and psychological problems of modern humanitarianism; he contributed to the establishment and development of universal history; study of attractions and scenarios for the further course of world history; analysis of the dynamics ofmodern geopolitical and political thinking.

Author(s):  
Diarmuid Scully

This chapter examines the early insular history of Bede's Chronica Maiora in a universal context. It considers Bede's treatment of salvation history in the Chronica Maiora's account of the archipelago in the era of the Roman conquest and the barbarian invasions, viewed within the context of contemporary world history. The chapter explains that the Chronica Maiora is located in Bede's magisterial survey of divine and human time and traces the providential unfolding of universal history through the six ages of this world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264
Author(s):  
Matthias Middell

The article reconstructs the development of global history since the crisis of universal history in the 1970s, which under the weight of poststructuralist arguments had almost brought world history writing to a standstill. In contrast, the new approach, now labelled global history, which had taken up many of the suggestions of the cultural and spatial turn and coincided with the social interest in global connectivity, developed into an extraordinarily attractive form of historiography. Since the mid-2010s, however, criticism has been on the rise again, pointing to an inherent ideological globalism and a problematic narrowing towards an Anglo-Saxon model of globalization. However, this is countered by new approaches that once again recall the fruitful dialogue with cultural history, political geography, and area studies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
PIERRE FORCE

This article revisits what has often been called the “naive presentism” of Voltaire's historical work. It looks at the methodological and philosophical reasons for Voltaire's deliberate focus on modern history as opposed to ancient history, his refusal to “make allowances for time” in judging the past, and his extreme selectiveness in determining the relevance of past events to world history. Voltaire's historical practice is put in the context of the quarrel of the ancients and the moderns, and considered in a tradition of universal history going back to Bossuet and leading up to nineteenth-century German historicism. Paradoxically, Voltaire is a major figure in the history of historiography not in spite of his presentism (as Ernst Cassirer and Peter Gay have argued), but because of it.


1979 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 177-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet M. Bately

Although a great deal has been written about the sources and manner of compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in its various versions, very little attention has been paid to its earliest section – the annals covering the period from the landing of Julius Caesar, s.a. 60 BC, to the coming of Hengest and Horsa, s.a. 449. Eight of these annals deal with the history of Britain and derive their material from the chronological summary at the end of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastical. The remaining twenty-four (1–45 and 62–155) deal with world history, and the origin of their information is a matter of dispute. Plummer claimed that they are derived from ‘some epitome of universal history, the source of which I have not yet been able to trace’. Hodgkin, on the other hand, considered that the composition of the Chronicle was intimately connected with that of the Old English Orosius and took Orosius to be a major source for the annals in question:


1991 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 24-38
Author(s):  
Leon Pompa

The apparent implication of Hegel's conception of philosophical history, that the future must be foreclosed or that history must come to an end, has long been a source of difficulty both for Hegelians themselves and for commentators on Hegel's philosophy. The suggestion that the truth of history can be understood only when reason has actualised itself in the state seems to carry an implication, that there is no further work either for reason or philosophy to do, which is hard to accept given the obvious fact that the present world hardly seems beyond the possibility of rational improvement. It is not my intention in this paper to engage in any direct discussion of previous interpretations. Instead I shall address the substantial problem itself by trying to explain certain requirements of Hegel's philosophy of history and then to develop and examine their consequences for the concept of an end of history.I shall begin by examining some initial reasons why it might be thought that Hegel is committed to the notion of an end of history. A convenient way of doing this is by noting very briefly some features of the philosophical route which leads him to the idea of philosophical history in the Introduction to his Lectures on the Philosophy of World History. As is well known, he begins by identifying a number of different kinds of history, the distinguishing feature of each of which is the historian's viewpoint. Thus the first, original history, is history as written by those who are involved in it and who share the spirit of its time. It is really a kind of contemporary history in which, since the historian shares the spirit of his time, he writes from that viewpoint. But because he writes from within it, he cannot be conscious of his viewpoint and cannot, therefore, transcend it in the sense of understanding it as part of a larger whole. Next come the four forms of reflective history, ie. universal history, pragmatic history, critical history and specialised history, in which each kind of historian tries to transcend the viewpoint of his time in an attempt to view history reflectively. But, for a series of different reasons, each is unsuccessful.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-75
Author(s):  
Craig Lundy

History occupies a somewhat awkward position in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. Although they often criticise history as a practice and advance alternatives that are explicitly anti-historical, such as ‘nomadology’ and ‘geophilosophy’, their scholarship is nevertheless littered with historical encounters and deeply influenced by historians such as Fernand Braudel. One of Deleuze and Guattari’s more significant engagements with history occurs through their reading and theory of universal history. In this paper I will explicate and critically analyse the nature of this universal history vis-à-vis its most pertinent counterpoint: Hegel’s philosophy of world history. In contrast to Hegel’s form of historicism, which universalizes by virtue of a unitary and totalizing force, Deleuze and Guattari develop a universalizing mechanism that is strictly devoid of any privileged essence. Following, Deleuze and Guattari’s form of universal history is marked above all by contingency as opposed to necessity. In this paper I will show precisely how. I will also go on to demonstrate how Deleuze and Guattari’s universal history offers the promise of an historical ontology commensurate with the processes of creativity and becoming, provided that appropriate steps are taken to reaffirm the radical contingency at its heart.


Scrinium ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-255
Author(s):  
Nino Doborjginidze

Abstract The article analyses the historical concepts of the medieval Georgian history by Leonti Mroveli, as the projection of religious historiography in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Introductions to two redactions of The Georgian Chronicles have been considered. It has been shown that both versions have the same aim: to reconstruct the ethnic origin of the Georgians (our kin) from the onset of the world history and to legitimate our kin as an immediate partaker in the initial (Biblical) history. For this purpose, Leonti Mroveli uses diamerisms, a scheme of universal history (Διαμερισμὸς τῆς γῆς) employed in religious historiography from the 1st century AD. Fragments of diamerisms found in medieval Georgian historical narratives reveal that Georgian historiographers were familiar with them via Greek, Syriac, Ethiopian and Armenian versions and successfully used them to highlight the unity between the universal and their national (local) histories – the life of our kin.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Benjamin

AbstractThis article offers a comparative analysis of the historiographical implications of state conflict and expansion in two key regions of ancient Afro-Eurasia, the Mediterranean Basin and East Asia. The Mediterranean-wide conflict known as the Punic Wars, and the protracted struggle between Han China and her militarized steppe nomadic neighbours in a theatre that spanned much of eastern Inner Eurasia, helped shape the direction of subsequent world history. These conflicts also shaped the methodology and approach of three historians in these two regions: Polybius, Diodorus, and Sima Qian. All three wove detailed descriptions of these processes into complex narratives that synthesized events into an organic whole. The result was a universal conception of history that added up to something much more than a mere recounting of events.


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