scholarly journals Eastwards EU enlargements and migration transition in Central and Eastern Europe

Geografie ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 122 (4) ◽  
pp. 476-499
Author(s):  
Agata Górny
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Legal Outcomes ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Southern European Countries ◽  
The Eu

Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are net-emigration countries, in contrast to Western and Southern European countries, which usually represent net-immigration areas. The economic, demographic and legal outcomes of the 2004 and 2007 EU eastwards enlargements reshaped the migratory context in CEE in many ways. The article demonstrates, however, that in the decade (and more) that has passed since these enlargements, the changes in volumes and patterns of immigration to CEE have not been particularly substantial. This can be linked to the still relatively low economic attractiveness of the CEE region within the EU, and also to the importance of ethnic-based and local movements (but frequently from outside the EU after enlargements) in immigration to this region. These create a basis for, first of all, temporary and circular inflow. The article also acknowledges the diversity in developments in immigration within the CEE region.

scholarly journals Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (338) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Sandris Ancans
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
European Region ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Planned Economy ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Centrally Planned Economy ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.

Central and Eastern Europe: The New Core or the Periphery of Europe?

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
The Eu

This chapter focuses on Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states of the EU, and how they positioned themselves in the new constellation of conflicts within the EU in the aftermath of the multiple crisis. It deals mainly with the Visegrad Group (V4) and explores its ‘repositioning’ in regard to two crisis-ridden policy fields of the EU: controversies about the rule of law and the refugee crisis. With regard to the former issue, the chapter discusses Poland as the most prominent case among the CEE countries. Against this background, it highlights two specific aspects of domestic politics: the memory games that the V4 countries play with their past and the Euroscepticism of government circles as well as a broader public.

Meanings of Independence and Manifestations of Neoliberal Nationalism during the ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Central and Eastern Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aija Lulle
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Human Suffering ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Eu

The Eastern European political and para-political responses to the ‘refugee crisis’ demonstrate a schism between the ‘old’ and the ‘new Europe’. Hostile attitudes reveal how unresolved post-imperial pasts currently manifest themselves in a seeming inability to show solidarity and empathy for the human suffering of others. To address this question critically, I utilize the notion of ‘independence’ to disentangle the specific neoliberal political mentality that has developed in the Central and Eastern European region, along with a variety of ethno-nationalisms which relive their own past wounds. In countries which have wiped away almost all reminders of their socialist past, solidarity and collectivity are not widely subscribed-to values. Apart from the immediate need to act alongside other European countries and help to accommodate current refugee flows, the Eastern Bloc has a long and necessary journey ahead. This is to negotiate and address their own social and cultural pluralities, which have been deliberately ignored in the rush to join the club of the worlds’ wealthiest democracies in the EU. During this formally accelerated political process, insufficient attention has been paid to social transformations in these new EU countries, including their reluctance to take in and accommodate new migrants and refugees.

scholarly journals Regional Cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe and its Implications for the EU

European View ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktória Jančošekovà
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Central Eastern Europe ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

Regional cooperation is mutually beneficial collaboration between neighbouring countries. This holds regardless of whether it is a matter of cooperation between the Benelux countries, the Nordic–Baltic states, France and Germany, or the Visegrad countries. The last-mentioned countries' dismissive attitude to tackling the migration crisis has thrust them into the limelight. The most recent cooperative forums in the Central Eastern Europe region, such as the Slavkov Triangle and the Three Seas Initiative, evidence a new dynamic and a regrouping of forces on the basis of national interests and EU themes. Western and Eastern Europe have different approaches to the most pressing challenges, such as migration. These differences have caused deep divisions between their respective leaders. However, the disagreements on the migration issue and the future of the EU notwithstanding, regional cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries remains valuable in areas that include the integration process, security and defence.

scholarly journals Post-Pandemic Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Long Jing
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Cooperation Mechanism ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Eastern European Countries

The Covid-19 pandemic has given rise to an array of problems in cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries. Some items on the cooperation agenda have been delayed and people-to-people exchanges have come to a halt. The pandemic, notwithstanding, is a testament to the value and resilience of the “[Formula: see text]” framework and has presented an opportunity for both sides to identify new areas for future collaboration. In a post-pandemic world, China and Central and Eastern European countries will not only have to address the shortfalls and drawbacks in the current cooperation mechanism, but also firmly work together to deal with new challenges arising from the pandemic.

scholarly journals The Case Series of 34 Patients with COVID-19 Diagnosed with HIV Infection from Central and Eastern European Countries – Euroguidelines in Central and Eastern Europe Network Group Data

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agata Skrzat-Klapaczyńska ◽  
Kerstin Kase ◽  
Anna Vassilenko ◽  
Arjan Harxhi ◽  
Botond Lakatos ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Group Analysis ◽  
Case Series ◽  
European Countries ◽  
People Living With Hiv ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Hiv Rna ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Eastern European Countries

Abstract Background: A novel coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) causing coronavirus disease (COVID-19) was detected at the end of 2019 in China. There are many COVID-19 studies in progress however, little is known about the course of COVID-19 in people living with HIV (PLWH). The aim of our study was to describe epidemiology and clinical characteristics of PLWH diagnosed with COVID-19 reported form Central and Eastern European Countries.Methods: On-line survey was sent to Euroguidelines in Central and Eastern Europe (ECEE) Network Group. Analysis included all confirmed COVID-19 cases between March 11 and June 26 2020 among PLWH in 12 countries: Albania, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland , Romania, Russia, and Serbia.Results: In total 34 cases were reported. The mean age of those patients was 42.7 years (IQR=35.8-48.5) and most of the patients were male (70.6% vs 29.4%). The mean CD4+ T-cell count prior COVID-19 diagnosis was 558 cells/mm3 (IQR=312-719) and HIV RNA viral load (VL) was undetectable in 18 of 34 (53%) cases, the data about most recent HIV RNA VL was not available in three cases (8,8%). Comorbidities were observed in 19 (55.9%) patients, mostly cardiovascular disease (27,8%), and in 10 (29.4%) patients had coinfection, mostly chronic hepatitis C (87.5%). The clinical course of COVID-19 was asymptomatic in 4 (12%) cases, mild disease without hospitalization was reported in 11 (32%) cases. Stable patients with respiratory and/or systemic symptoms have been documented in 14 (41%) cases; 5 (15%) patients were clinically unstable with respiratory failure. Full recovery was reported in 31 (91%) cases, two patients died. In one case the data was not available.Conclusion: This study from 12 countries in Central and Eastern Europe region indicates no alarming signals of increased morbidity or mortality from COVID-19 among HIV-positive persons there is a need for further research.

scholarly journals Chinas Economic Presence and Political Influence in Eastern Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
Yana Leksyutina
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Business Practices ◽  
Official Statistics ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Media ◽  
Real Scale ◽  
The Eu

In recent years, the media and expert discourse have widely spread perceptions of China’s dynamic expansion of its economic presence in Central and Eastern Europe and the accompanying increase in Beijing’s political influence on the countries of the region. This perception is strongly encouraged by the position of certain Western European countries and the EU bureaucracy, which view China as an actor that undermines European solidarity and spreads illiberal values and business practices. The purpose of this article is to assess the real scale of China’s economic presence in Eastern Europe, based on an analysis of official statistics, and to determine the extent to which it converts into Beijing’s political influence over the countries of the region.

The Contest for Central and Eastern Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-128
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Energy Politics ◽  
Eastern European Countries

While many thought that the eleven Central and Eastern European countries that exited communism and joined the European Union in the 2000s had made an irrevocable “civilizational choice,” Russia has sought to extend its influence into this unexpected new battleground. Though Russia has fewer tools of influence than in the lands in between, it has used energy politics, disinformation, support for extremist parties, business relations, and a variety of covert methods to cause Central and Eastern European governments and politicians to re-evaluate their allegiances. Central and Eastern European countries have experienced growing extremism, increasing polarization, and the rise of cynical power brokers who wish to accommodate Moscow, while also benefiting from EU ties and funds. Political leaders such as Viktor Orbán of Hungary have blazed this path, making gas and energy deals with Russia while undermining democratic politics at home and challenging the European Union from within.

Central and Eastern Europe: Imaginary Geographies, Geopolitics and Security Issues

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Nina Paulovicova ◽  
Tomasz Stępniewski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Imaginative Geographies ◽  
Power Application ◽  
The Eu

The following editorial offers a reflection on the situation of Central and Eastern Europe with a special focus on the European Union’s Eastern Neighbourhood and Russia. In the past few years, we have witnessed the divisive impact of neoliberalism, economic recession, Britain’s departure from the EU, the refugee and migrant crisis which further shattered societies along cultural lines, the aggressive expansionism of Russia exploiting the weakness of the West, and more recently, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic with an unprecedented impact on societies, global health and economy. The editorial reflects on how Central and Eastern Europe scores among the imaginative geographies and how these imaginative geographies translate into geopolitics concerning hard and soft power application in the Eastern European Neighbourhood.

scholarly journals Public Finance Sectors Central and Eastern European Countries and in Developed Countries

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Renata Małkowska
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The Public ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Eastern European Countries

This paper analyses the interdependencies between state debt and the volume of the public sector’s expenditure, focusing particularly on pro-social spending. These phenomena have been studied in relative values (versus GDP) and in absolute values (per capita). This served as the grounds for an attempt to identify general directions of the public finance policies followed by countries in the Central and Eastern Europe and in selected highly developed countries.

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