scholarly journals A ARTE A PARTIR DO SEU LUGAR: O TRABALHO IN SITU DE DANIEL BUREN E OS ESPA�OS EXPOSITIVOS NOS NOS 19701 / Art from its place: Daniel Buren?s in situ work and exhibition spaces in the 1970?s

2022 ◽  
Vol 27 (42) ◽  
pp. 188-209
Author(s):  
Tiago Machado

Pela an�lise de algumas instala��es realizadas pelo artista franc�s Daniel Buren (1938)�durante a d�cada de 1970, procura-se evidenciar a import�ncia dos locais especializados de exposi��o da arte para a constru��o do sentido da hist�ria da arte contempor�nea. Apesquisa ora apresentada se organiza em torno dos escritos de Daniel Buren e na documenta��o fotogr�fica produzida na ocasi�o de cada uma das interven��es analisadas, centrando-se em tr�s pontos principais: na an�lise da situa��o dos museus de arte europeus que ent�o se abriam para a arte contempor�nea; na atua��o comercial e pr�tica das galerias de vanguarda nos Estados-Unidos e, finalmente, no papel exercido no campo art�stico pelos ?novos museus? que, ao final da d�cada de 1970, se consolidam como espa�os importantes para a anima��o da vida cultural no hemisf�rio Norte.Palavras-chave:Trabalho in situ. Museu. Galeria. Novos museus. D�cada de 1970.�AbstractThrough the analysis of some installations carried out by the French artist Daniel Buren (1938) during the 1970s, we seek to highlight the importance of specialized art exhibition sites for the construction of the meaning of the history of contemporary art. The� research presented here is organized around the writings of Daniel Buren and the photographic documentation produced during each of the analyzed interventions, focusing on three main points: the analysis of the situation of European art museums that were then opening up to the contemporary art; in the commercial and practical performance of avant-garde galleries in the United States and, finally, in the role played in the artistic field by the ?new museums? which, at the end of the 1970s, were consolidated as important spaces for the animation of cultural life in the North hemisphere.Keywords:Work in situ. Museum. Gallery. New museums. 1970s.

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison E. Robertson ◽  
Silvia R. Cianzio ◽  
Sarah M. Cerra ◽  
Richard O. Pope

Phytophthora root and stem rot (PRR), caused by the oomycete Phytophthora sojae, is an economically important soybean disease in the north central region of the United States, including Iowa. Previous surveys of the pathogenic diversity of P. sojae in Iowa did not investigate whether multiple pathotypes of the pathogen existed in individual fields. Considering the many pathotypes of P. sojae that have been reported in Iowa, we hypothesized multiple pathotypes could exist within single fields. In the research reported herein, several soil samples were collected systematically from each of two commercial fields with a history of PRR in Iowa, and each soil sample was baited separately for isolates of P. sojae. Numerous pathotypes of P. sojae were detected from both fields. As many as four pathotypes were detected in some soil samples (each consisting of six to eight soil cores), which suggests that a single soybean plant could be subjected to infection by more than one pathotype. This possibility presents important implications in breeding resistant cultivars and in the management of PRR. Accepted for publication 14 July 2009. Published 8 September 2009.


Author(s):  
Oleh Bulka

The article is devoted to the particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations in the period from their beginning to signing and entry into force the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is noted that from the time of first contacts bilateral relations between two countries have developed unevenly with periods of increase and periods of decline. It is determined that in the history of Canada-Mexico relations before signing NAFTA can be identified four main periods. The first one is a period of early contacts that lasted from the end of XIX century to the establishment of the official diplomatic relations between Canada and Mexico in 1944. In this period of time ties between the two countries were extremely weak. The second period lasted from 1944 to the end of the 1960s. This period clearly shows the limits of cooperation between Canada and Mexico after the establishment of the official diplomatic ties, but it is also possible to see a certain coincidence between the values and diplomatic strategies of these countries. The third period of Canada-Mexico relations lasted from the beginning of the 1970s to the end of the 1980s. During this period, both Canada and Mexico try to diversify their foreign policy and strengthen the organizational mechanism of mutual cooperation. But it is also shown that despite the warm political rhetoric, there was some distance in Canada-Mexico relations. The fourth period of the relations lasted from the late 1980s until the NAFTA treaty came into force in 1994. At that time Canadian and Mexican governments began to give priority to economic relations over political and diplomatic ones. It was revealed that the main influencing factors of bilateral relations between Mexico and Canada were the impact of third countries, especially the United Kingdom and the United States, regional and global economic conditions, and the attitude to the bilateral relations of the political elites of both countries.


Author(s):  
Laura Harris

In Experiments in Exile, I explore and compare projects undertaken by two twentieth-century American intellectuals while they lived in voluntary exiles in the United States: the Trinidadian writer and revolutionary C. L. R. James and the Brazilian visual artist and counterculturalist Hélio Oiticica. James and Oiticica never met. They lived and worked in the United States at different moments. My focus is on James’s stay during the 1940s and on Oiticica’s stay during the 1970s. Given the significant differences between them—not just at the level of nationality but at the level of race (James was black, Oiticica was white), class (James was situated within a precarious middle class, Oiticica was firmly established within an upper middle class), sexuality (James was straight, Oiticica was gay), and disciplinary locations (James is generally situated in the history of radical social theory and practice, and Oiticica is generally situated in the history of avant-garde aesthetic theory and practice)—this is surely an unlikely combination. This study is itself an experiment, one that goes beyond the usual parameters of comparativist or transnational research, to identify, in the surprising resonances between the projects pursued by these two very disparate figures, a common project I believe they, together, bring into relief....


Author(s):  
James R. Fichter

This chapter outlines an international environmental history of whaling in the South Seas (the Southern Atlantic, Indian and Pacific Oceans). Pelagic (ie., deep-sea) whaling was not discretely national. “American” whaling, as traditionally understood, existed as part of a broader ecological and economic phenomenon which included whalers from other nations. Application of “American,” “British” and other national labels to an ocean process that by its nature crossed national boundaries has occluded a full understanding of whaling’s international nature, a fullness which begins with whaling community diaspora spread across the North Atlantic from the United States to Britain and France, and which extends to the varied locations where whalers hunted and the yet other locations to which they returned with their catch. Ocean archives—the Saint Helena Archive, the Cape Town Archive Repository, and the Brazilian Arquivo Nacional—and a reinterpretation of published primary sources and national whaling historiographies reveal the fundamentally international nature of “American” pelagic whaling, suggesting that an undue focus on US whaling data by whaling historians has likely underestimated the extent of turn-of-the-nineteenth-century pelagic whaling.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (13) ◽  
pp. 9283-9295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu Hoshina ◽  
Yasunori Tohjima ◽  
Keiichi Katsumata ◽  
Toshinobu Machida ◽  
Shin-ichiro Nakaoka

Abstract. Atmospheric oxygen (O2) and carbon dioxide (CO2) variations in the North Pacific were measured aboard a cargo ship, the New Century 2 (NC2), while it cruised between Japan and the United States between December 2015 and November 2016. A fuel cell analyzer and a nondispersive infrared analyzer were used for the measurement of O2 and CO2, respectively. To achieve parts-per-million precision for the O2 measurements, we precisely controlled the flow rates of the sample and reference air introduced into the analyzers and the outlet pressure. A relatively low airflow rate (10 cm3 min−1) was adopted to reduce the consumption rate of the reference gases. In the laboratory, the system achieved measurement precisions of 3.8 per meg for δ(O2 ∕ N2), which is commonly used to express atmospheric O2 variation, and 0.1 ppm for the CO2 mole fraction. After the in situ observation started aboard NC2, we found that the ship's motion caused false wavy variations in the O2 signal with an amplitude of more than several tens of ppm and a period of about 20 s. Although we have not resolved the problem at this stage, hourly averaging considerably suppressed the variation associated with ship motion. Comparison between the in situ observation and flask sampling of air samples aboard NC2 showed that the averaged differences (in situ–flask) and the standard deviations (±1σ) are −2.8 ± 9.4 per meg for δ(O2 ∕ N2) and −0.02 ± 0.33 ppm for the CO2 mole fraction. We compared 1 year of in situ data for atmospheric potential oxygen (APO; O2 +1.1×CO2) obtained from the broad middle-latitude region (140∘ E–130∘ W, 29∘ N–45∘ N) with previous flask sampling data from the North Pacific. This comparison showed that longitudinal differences in the seasonal amplitude of APO, ranging from 51 to 73 per meg, were smaller than the latitudinal differences.


Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 722-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Clay Moltz

Because of its energy reserves and long history of economic links with North Korea, the Russian Far East could provide useful incentives needed to help convince Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear program. For this reason, the United States should begin crafting a regionally based strategy that includes Russia.


Author(s):  
James R. Watson

On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Case

In the 1850s, the American scientist and educator Frederick A. P. Barnard created a collection of scientific apparatus at the University of Mississippi in Oxford, Mississippi, of a size and expense that surpassed any collection in the United States at that time. The collection, which would come to include over three hundred instruments of both American and European manufacture, was the attempt by Barnard, born and educated in the North, to bring Big Science to the South and challenge the dominance of Northern schools in science education. In this respect it failed, and the collection became a forgotten footnote in the history of Southern science. This article examines the importance of the collection in understanding science at U.S. universities before the Civil War and what Barnard referred to as the "scientific atmosphere" of the South. The first section compares the collection to others of the period, highlighting its historical uniqueness and significance. The second section uses Barnard's correspondence to construct a narrative of the collection's assembly, providing insight into the international scientific instrument market of the period as well as the difficulties he faced working in the antebellum South. Finally, an examination of Barnard's perceptions regarding intellectual isolation and the failure of his endeavor highlights differences perceived by scientists of the day concerning the practice of science in the North versus in the South prior to the Civil War.


1957 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Hale

After a border skirmish at the Rio Grande on April 25, 1846, A Mexico and the United States were at war, and within a few months Zachary Taylor’s troops had overrun the north, reaching Monterrey and Saltillo. At the same time an expedition under Winfield Scott landed at Vera Cruz and pushed inward along the ancient road of conquest, reaching the gates of Mexico City by August, 1847. Mexican resistance was heroic and determined in spots, but disorganization and poor leadership played havoc with any attempt at national defense. The capital fell and was occupied by the invaders, the Mexican government fled to Querétaro, and an ignominious peace treaty was negotiated and accepted by the helpless Mexicans, though not without serious opposition from the radical (puro) element which favored a last-ditch resistance. With the rapid subjection of the country and the loss of more than half its territory, the once proud and optimistic nation of Iturbide was left stunned; and it turned to bitter reflection upon its paralyzed condition and its flagrant display of weakness when faced by a small and not too efficient force of invaders.The very independence of Mexico was now threatened. Such an easy victory by a powerful neighbor would mean that Mexico might at any time be absorbed by the United States, especially when there was a movement for that purpose already afoot north of the Rio Grande. The easy optimism of the early days of the republic had now vanished. The shock of military disaster, after the dismal decade of mediocrity and humdrum military revolutions, accentuated a crisis in Mexican thought. Both liberals and conservatives now saw the necessity of imposing radical changes upon the course of independent Mexico. Since the overthrow of the radical Gómez Farias government in 1834, the country had been allowed to drift, and when the Americans invaded, its vigor appeared to be gone. In spite of the presence of a sizable moderate party, the factions became sharply differentiated as they had never been before in the history of the republic, except perhaps for the year 1832. Liberals and conservatives appealed to their traditional programs for solutions to Mexico’s crisis of 1847, and the seeds were sown for a great conflict.


1974 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 916-938 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Clague

The Tertiary history of the southern Rocky Mountain Trench is inferred from a study of the distribution, stratigraphy, fabric, lithologic composition, structure, and palynology of the Miocene St. Eugene Formation in southeastern British Columbia.The St. Eugene Formation consists of flood-plain and fan facies and represents the upper part of up to about 1500 m of sediments which accumulated in the proto-Rocky Mountain Trench upon cessation of Laramide deformation and after initiation of extension and block faulting in the eastern Cordillera during Eocene or early Oligocene time. Deep Tertiary basins in the southern Rocky Mountain Trench are bounded on the east and west by high-angle faults parallel to the Trench margins and on the north and south by faults transverse to the trend of the Trench. Block faulting of a half-graben style was probably contemporaneous with sediment deposition, but at least 600 m of displacement on the east boundary fault postdates deposition of the St. Eugene Formation. Although there is no present seismic activity along the Rocky Mountain Trench north of latitude 49°N, Holocene fault scarps and earthquakes in a zone along the Rocky Mountains of the United States attest to the continuation of block faulting south of 49°N.The St. Eugene microflora includes at least 39 genera of ferns, gymnosperms, and anthophytes. Phytogeographic reconstruction based upon the habitats of extant counter-parts indicates floral elements growing on poorly drained lowlands, adjacent slopes, and montane uplands; thus, there was moderate to high relief in southeastern British Columbia during St. Eugene time. The climate apparently was temperate, with warm summers, mild winters, and abundant, uniformly distributed precipitation. This contrasts with the present climate of the southern Rocky Mountain Trench which is semiarid with hot summers and cold winters, and suggests that the mountain barriers which presently restrict cool, moist, Pacific maritime air masses to the coast were lower during the Miocene, or that the polar seas were relatively warm.


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