A Study on the National Symbol Objects Symbol System of Australia - Focused on National Flag, Coat of Arms, National Anthem, National Animal, National Flower -

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
Yun Tae Nam ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 231-234
Author(s):  
Yurii Bohaievskyi

This article is focused on the fact that independent Ukraine still does not have the Big State Emblem as its major national symbol. Since December 2015, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko has signed Decree No 675/2015, which referred to the need to properly cover the history of state symbols. Therefore, the authors remind that by its decision on February 19, 1992 Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) of Ukraine had approved only a Trident as a temporary small state attribute and as the main element of the future Big State Emblem. However, the obligation to complete “in the near time period” the formation of state symbols has been delayed for various reasons. This one is a very important and urgent issue that has to be solved. Recent political events that are taking place in our country such as elections, reforms, roads, tranches, the constant fight against corruption, Russian aggression, rapprochement with the European Union and NATO do not allow to complete the formation of state symbols. There is the National Flag and the National Anthem, but there is no real, full-fledged emblem. This question is also of interest to foreign Ukrainians, who have done a great deal to ensure that the historical symbols of the nation are not lost but preserved in the memory of generations. Meanwhile, more than 200 patterns of the Big State Emblem designed by Ukrainian specialists in heraldry are covered with dust in the Central State Archives of Supreme Organs of Power and Administration. According to the authors of the article, the fact that the big emblem has not been in Ukrainian political space for quite a long time does not contribute to strengthening, consolidation and unity of the whole Ukrainian society and indicates the incompleteness of Ukraine as an independent state. Keywords: national emblem, national symbol, Ukraine, independence, Trident, heraldic sign, Central State Archive.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torbjörn Andersson

Artiklen belyser med udgangspunkt i landskamptraditionen, i form af fodboldslandskamp Sverige-Danmark, hvordan en svensk fodboldsnationalisme gradvis voksede frem fra 1910 -tallet. Torbjörn Andersson: The example of SwedenAround the year 1900 nationalism in Sweden was a conservative phenomenon and sports leaders were associated with this kind of grandiose patriotism. Later a more popular, collective feeling of national identity was sought – not least by the Social Democrats – in which the Swedish football national team would act as the rallying point. In this context, the internationals against Denmark – the first game goes back to 1913 – served the purpose, in that they, without descending to chauvinism, effectively contrasted the respective skills of both countries. It was at the games against Denmark that national symbols like the national anthem and the national flag became popular among ordinary people. A tradition of organised cheering was also established and this clearly showed how nationalism turned into a more popular phenomenon. This whole ritual around the international games was definitively established during the interwar period. By then the regional conflicts between Stockholm, Gothenburg and the province of Scania on how to form the strongest possible national side had more or less disappeared.


MANUSYA ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-71
Author(s):  
Juajan Wongpolganan

This essay is aimed to describe and analyze the invention of Mon traditions by applying Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger’s concept of invented traditions. As I found in my observations in the field and in archival research, the Mons in their homeland and their diasporic communities overseas have invented a number of traditions in order to show solidarity. These include national costumes, a national flag, a national anthem, and a national day.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-274
Author(s):  
Muhammad Wahyu Nugroho ◽  
Supriyono Supriyono ◽  
Dadi Mulyadi Nugraha

Social media is one of many solutions in order to communicate with others and get informations in the era of a pandemic. One type of social media that people often used is Tik Tok. This research’s aim is to see the use of social media especially Tik Tok as a medium to strengthen the national identity in the pandemic era. This research uses qualitative descriptive method with the Tik Tok video population as the data. Data was collected using observation, documentation, and recording techniques. From the results of that, an analysis is carried out on each video that can provide reinforcement to Tik Tok application users regarding national identity. The results of this study indicate the strengthening of national identity in Tik Tok social media, such as identity of Indonesian as the national language, the Red and White Flag as the national flag, the Indonesian song Raya as the national anthem, Garuda Pancasila as the national symbol, Bhineka Tunggal Ika as the country's motto, Pancasila as the basis of the state, and regional culture that have been accepted as national culture.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Mevius

There are two popular myths concerning the relationship between communism and nationalism. The first is that nationalism and communism are wholly antagonistic and mutually exclusive. The second is the assertion that in communist Eastern Europe nationalism was oppressed before 1989, to emerge triumphant after the Berlin Wall came down. Reality was different. Certainly from 1945 onwards, communist parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions and guardians of national interests. The communist states of Central and Eastern Europe constructed “socialist patriotism,” a form of loyalty to their own state of workers and peasants. Up to 1989, communists in Eastern Europe sang the national anthem, and waved the national flag next to the red banner. The use of national images was not the exception, but the rule. From Cuba to Korea, all communist parties attempted to gain national legitimacy. This was not incidental or a deviation from Marxist orthodoxy, but ingrained in the theory and practice of the communist movement since its inception.


Author(s):  
Francois Venter

The Preamble and Chapter 1 This contribution is intended to be the first installment of a systematic interpretation of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996. Due to the foundational and repetitive reference in the text to values, regard must constantly be had to those values when this Constitution is interpreted. Even though the preamble does not contain positive norms, is an important interpretive source of the foundations of the Constitution. An important deviation from the preamble of the 1993 Constitution, is that the term Rechtsstaat ("constitutional state") is not employed. The introduction of this notion in South African law and its meaning in general is described. With reference to relevant dicta in recent constitutional cases, the Constitutional Principles in terms of which the 1996 Constitution was formulated and the text of the Constitution itself, it is argued that this is essentially a Rechtsstaat Constitution, but that the divergence in the range of constitutional values creates the danger of the constitutional state floundering in the waters of the social state. Section 1, being the foundational provision, is not unamendable, but it is very tightly entrenched. The most profound values of the Constitution are set out in this compact formulation. The question is inevitably raised whether, where values have to compete for precedence in concrete circumstances, a hierarchy of values must be construed. An analysis of section 1 in the context of other relevant provisions of the Constitution reveals that human dignity is the primary nuclear value of theConstitution, supported by equality and freedom. Democracy, supremacy of theConstitution and the rule of law are structural and procedural values of the Constitution subordinate to the nuclear values and non-racialism and non-sexism are derived values. How it is possible for a constitution to be superior law, as section 2 provides regarding the 1996 Constitution, is analysed against the background of the social contract theory. The weaknesses of this theory are exposed and it is argued that the force external to the Constitution that guarantees its primacy, is its practical legitimacy, i.e. sufficient support or acceptance of the authority of the Constitution by the citizenry. Section 2 is phrased in strong terms and means that no juridically relevant conduct, be it of a private or public law nature, can escape the test of constitutionality. In the interpretation of section 3 the nature of citizenship and nationality is analysed with reference to international authorities and definitions of these concepts are developed. The legal implications of citizenship in the context of the Constitution are set out and the historical context of citizenship having been used in pre-constitutional times as an instrument for creating separate ethnic states, is described. The current post modern tendency in places to devalue citizenship is contrasted with the importance being attached to the notion in South Africa in the context of nation building and the employment of expatriates. Regarding sections 4 and 5 the formal regulation of the national anthem and national flag is described. The national anthem may be amended by presidential proclamation, but changes to the national flag require an amendment of the Constitution. Section 6, which deals with the complex language matter, protects linguistic diversity rather than the status of any languages. The Constitutional Court has determined that, although no express provision to this effect exists, individuals are entitled to use the language of their choice in their dealings and communications with the government. The state is required to promote "the indigenous languages of our people." This is interpreted to include the nine official indigenous African languages, Afrikaans, Khoi, Nama and San. In the determination of language policies Municipal Councils are required to take the language usage and preferences of the inhabitants into account and in the national and provincial at least two official languages must be used. Essential facts regarding language usage, demographic distribution, etc. must be taken into consideration for the determination  of a language policy to conform to the Constitution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81
Author(s):  
Denys Kutsenko

AbstractThe paper analyzes the transformation of identity politics of Kharkiv local authorities after the Euromaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea, and the War in Donbass. Being the second largest city in Ukraine and becoming the frontline city in 2014, Kharkiv is an interesting case for research on how former pro-Russian local elites treat new policies of the central government in Kyiv, on whether earlier they tried to mobilize their electorate or to provoke political opponents with using soviet symbols, soviet memory, and copying Russian initiatives in the sphere of identity.To answer the research question of this article, an analysis of Kharkiv city and oblast programs and strategies and of communal media were made. Decommunisation, as one of the most important identity projects of Ukrainian central authorities after 2014, was analyzed through publications in Kharkiv’s city-owned media as well as reports from other scholars. Some conclusions are made from the analysis of these documents: Kharkiv development strategy until 2020, Complex program of cultural development in Kharkiv in 2011–2016 (and the same for 2017–2021), The regional program of military and patriotic training and participation of people in measures of defense work in 2015–2017, Program of supporting civil society in 2016–2020 in Kharkiv region and the city mayor’s orders about the celebration of Victory Day (9 May), the Day of the National Flag (23 August), the Day of the City (23 August) and Independence Day (24 August) in 2010–2015.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document