Corta! A diáspora da imaginação cinematográfica e a heterogênese entre técnica, estética e política

Author(s):  
Leonardo da Silva Souza

Rabiger and Hurbis-Cherrier published a chapter whose title is related to other discussions about cinema: Who can invoke the term ‘Cut!’? To deal with a question like that, it is essential to return to the foundations that contextualize filmmaking as a political act, and not only aesthetic or technical, wich is full of colonial relations of power. Considering the colonial forces that have tensioned, and still tension the environment of work and creation in cinema, the filmmaking process can be understood through a diasporic act of imagination, which goes through procedures of work, aesthetic proposals and political contexts in which the movie lies. In this sense, the Cinema Novo in Brazil, the Modern Cinema and African cinema, present themselves as references of an independent and decolonial filmmaking that shares an act of freedom: the heterogenesis that permeates technique, aesthetic and politics. As an example, we take the role of a griot author, realizing a comparison between filmmaking and a popular figure in the caste system of African society, taking notes about the film Impasse, by Issa Saga, a short filmmaker from Burkina Faso. The term author-griot proposes political engagement, not only through thematic treatment, but also in the subversion of production modes. Thus, broadening the scope of the question posed by Rabiger and Hurbis-Cherrier, about film directing and the power of interruption delegated to the role of the director, we seek to redirect the debate, shedding light less on movie directing but more on the direction of the cinema.

Author(s):  
Yashpal Jogdand ◽  
Sammyh Khan ◽  
Stephen Reicher

This chapter examines the role of humiliation in experiences of collective victimization. Humiliation is conceptualized as a self-conscious emotion that is distinct from shame, anger, and embarrassment. Humiliation is experienced when dehumanizing and devaluing treatment occurs that is appraised as illegitimate. The chapter discusses the paradox in the literature on humiliation, whereby both action (e.g., cycles of violence) and suppression of action (e.g., demobilization of resistance) have been observed as an outcome of humiliation. Drawing on research on the experience of Dalits in the Hindu caste system, a conceptualization of humiliation is presented that is relational, victim centered, and focused on agency and power relations. Humiliation is conceptualized as a claim, which involves both the appraisal of certain acts of victimization as humiliating, and the political act of communicating resentment to the perpetrator. Overall, humiliation can be used to mobilize or demobilize resistance to oppression.


Author(s):  
Arun Kumar ◽  
Hari Bapuji ◽  
Raza Mir

AbstractScholars of business and management studies have recently turned their attention to inequality, a key issue for business ethics given the role of private firms in transmitting—and potentially challenging—inequalities. However, this research is yet to examine inequality from a subaltern perspective. In this paper, we discuss the alleviation of inequalities in organizational and institutional contexts by drawing on the ideas of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a jurist, political leader and economist, and one of the unsung social theorists of the twentieth century. Specifically, we focus on Ambedkar’s critique of the Indian caste system, his outline of comprehensive reform, and prescription of representational politics to achieve equality. We contend that an Ambedkarite ethical manifesto of persuasion—focussed on state-led institutional reforms driven by the subaltern—can help management researchers reimagine issues of inequality and extend business ethics beyond organizational boundaries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S785-S785
Author(s):  
Tze Kiu Wong ◽  
Helene H Fung

Abstract Previous studies usually found that older people are less politically engaged than younger adults, especially when considering political behavior other than voting. The current study extends the Selective Engagement hypothesis (Hess, 2014) to political engagement. 81 younger adults and 79 older adults rated 8 issues on self-relevance and their willingness to engage in political discussion, arguments and collective action on each issue. The predicted moderating effect of self-relevance was not found, but older people indeed are more willing to discuss (B = 0.07, p = 0.027) and argue with others on more self-relevant issues (B = 0.06, p = 0.031). Perceived cost of collective action was found to be a moderator, such that self-relevance was less important than other factors for high-cost actions (B = -0.016, p = 0.013). The current research sheds light on potential ways to increase older adults’ engagement in social issues.


Author(s):  
Olga B. Lemeshonok ◽  

The author investigates comparisons of the corruption prevalence in countries with different economic systems based on the regularly calculated corruption perception index. The essence of corruption interactions in an economy is revealed through relations of power and dependence, property distribution and related economic actors behavior. The article shows a role of the institutional environment in corruption expanding or reducing, its connection with the development of civil society and the processes of economy socialization. The influence of corruption on certain aspects of economy socialization is specified: social differentiation, innovative orientation of production development, macroeconomic stability, development of the institutional environment, efficiency of the public administration system, property allocation efficiency, general humanization of activities and the human capital quality associated with these processes. The author shows how corruption relations affect individual aspects of socialization of the economy, considers the potential and prospects of noonomy and the NIS’s new economy in the processes of reducing corruption and strengthening the foundations of socialization. Micro- and macroaspects of the formation of a new human with his needs structure and new production corresponding to these needs are separately noted.


2021 ◽  
pp. 540-554
Author(s):  
Tegan Bristow ◽  
João Orecchia Zúñiga

This chapter presents an examination of why—in contemporary Africa, with Southern Africa as the primary focus—there are very few artists working with sound in a manner that fits the paradigm of sound art as it is known in Euro-America. Emphasis is not placed on a lack of intellectual engagement, which is significant in the Euro-American definition of sound art. What is presented does not aim to deviate from this, but rather acts to affirm an engagement with alternative forms of knowledge and mechanisms of sound found in the South. Three areas are explored; these however are interlinked and do not stand alone. The first is an understanding of the practice of interdisciplinarity as political engagement. The second explores the role of community and communal interaction with sound and how this is fundamental to form in the region. The third extends this by showing how the histories of knowledge and power are fundamental to these explorations in the region, emphasizing how contemporary explorations of sound are used to both contain and shift these histories. The chapter takes shape with the use of case studies and draws on interviews conducted by the authors.


Author(s):  
Kate Cowcher

The Pan-African Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO) was founded in 1969. It began as an intimate week-long gathering of filmmakers and enthusiasts in the capital of what is now Burkina Faso to watch contemporary films made by African filmmakers. At its peak in the 1990s, it attracted hundreds of thousands of spectators, both local and international. Since the 2000s, iterations have been smaller affairs, significantly impacted by both changes of government in Burkina Faso and wider political instability in West Africa, as well as ongoing debates about what films it should be showcasing. Despite such challenges (and with only one exception in the mid-1970s), however, FESPACO has remained a constant on the African continent, faithfully screening films by African and diaspora filmmakers every two years for more than half a century. FESPACO was conceived in the age of decolonization by a group of men and women who are considered to be the pioneers of African cinema, including the Senegalese writer and filmmaker Ousmane Sembène. It was established as the first sub-Saharan showcase of African filmmaking, an emergent and significant field in the era of independence when cinema was prized for its ability to make visible African realities and to (re)constitute national histories eclipsed by colonial rule. The concept of a distinctly “African” cinema was articulated most extensively by filmmaker and scholar Paulin Soumanou Vieyra and referred to films made by Africans, telling African stories, principally for African audiences. For Vieyra, Sembène, and their contemporaries, it was essential to take back control of the art of cinema on the African continent, where it had predominantly been deployed as a colonial tool; FESPACO was conceived as the regular forum for those committed to its development to come together and share their work. Through the course of its development, FESPACO has been confronted with a number of challenges regarding its form and its evolution. Its strong connections with the Burkinabe state have been seen as both a significant factor for its growth and its success, and, particularly in the era of Blaise Compaoré, as a source for concern regarding freedom of expression. Since the turn of the 21st century, questions about where video filmmaking—an industry that has proliferated on the African continent in a manner unprecedented internationally—fits within FESPACO’s definition of cinema have been consistent. The festival has, over the years, been accused of being both outdated and elitist in its commitment to celluloid, but also of straying from its original remit to showcase African stories for African audiences, accusations it has responded to by the creation of new prize categories and requirements for submission. The year 2019 was one of reflection, but many critics felt that after some difficult years the festival was showing signs of rejuvenation. Though it is now one of many film festivals on the continent committed to showcasing African cinema, there remains significant appreciation for the historic status of FESPACO as a preeminent sub-Saharan cultural institution.


Author(s):  
Alice Wood

This chapter traces the development of Woolf’s late feminist politics and aesthetic experimentalism, focusing on her penultimate and final novels, The Years (1937) and Between the Acts (1941), and her anti-war pamphlet, Three Guineas (1938). It reads across these texts and Woolf’s wider writings from 1933–1941, including essays, unpublished drafts, and her fictional biography Flush (1933), to identify key strands of social and political enquiry in Woolf’s late works. The chapter pays particular attention to Woolf’s late analysis of the role of art in society and her evolving feminist-pacifist critique of the links between patriarchy, nationalism, fascism, and war. Rejecting a narrative of creative decline, the chapter highlights the productive relationship between political engagement and formal experiment in Woolf’s late works.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joëlle Castellani ◽  
Borislava Mihaylova ◽  
Mohamadou Siribié ◽  
Zakaria Gansane ◽  
Amidou Z. Ouedraogo ◽  
...  

2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

AbstractWe argue that the political effects of negativity bias are narrower than Hibbing et al. suggest. Negativity bias reliably predicts social, but not economic, conservatism, and its political effects often vary across levels of political engagement. Thus the role of negativity bias in broad ideological conflict depends on the strategic packaging of economic and social attitudes by political elites.


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