The Context, Content, and Claims of Humiliation in Response to Collective Victimhood

Author(s):  
Yashpal Jogdand ◽  
Sammyh Khan ◽  
Stephen Reicher

This chapter examines the role of humiliation in experiences of collective victimization. Humiliation is conceptualized as a self-conscious emotion that is distinct from shame, anger, and embarrassment. Humiliation is experienced when dehumanizing and devaluing treatment occurs that is appraised as illegitimate. The chapter discusses the paradox in the literature on humiliation, whereby both action (e.g., cycles of violence) and suppression of action (e.g., demobilization of resistance) have been observed as an outcome of humiliation. Drawing on research on the experience of Dalits in the Hindu caste system, a conceptualization of humiliation is presented that is relational, victim centered, and focused on agency and power relations. Humiliation is conceptualized as a claim, which involves both the appraisal of certain acts of victimization as humiliating, and the political act of communicating resentment to the perpetrator. Overall, humiliation can be used to mobilize or demobilize resistance to oppression.

Organization ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 135050842110612
Author(s):  
Daniel S Lacerda

The spatial imaginations of organisations can be particularly insightful for examining power relations. However, only recently they have gone beyond the limits of the workplace, demonstrating the role of the territory for organised action, particularly in mobilising solidarity for resistance. In this article, I investigate power relations revealed by the political economy of the territory to explain contradictory actions undertaken by organisations. Specifically, I adopt the theoretical framework of the noted Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, who recognises spatial multiplicity and fragmentation while maintaining an appreciation of the structural conditions of the political economy. This perspective is particularly useful for the analysis of civil society organisations (CSOs) in a Brazilian favela (slum), given the context of high inequality perpetuated by the selective flows of urban development. First, I show that the history of favelas and their role in the territorial division of labour explain the profiles of existing organisations. Then, I examine how the political engagement of CSOs with distinct solidarities results in a dialectical tension that leads to both resistance based on local shared interests and the active reproduction of central spaces even if the ends are not shared. The article contributes to the literature of space and organisations by explaining how territorial dynamics mediate power relations within and across organisations, not only as resistance but also as the active reproduction of economic and political regimes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agata Bachórz ◽  
English English

The aim of this article is to analyse the political aspects of food and their significance as an object of study. The first author of the article has studied Polish society as an insider, while the other author had previously conducted research in other countries and three years ago started exploring Poland and Polish gastronomy, finding himself in the role of outsider. Both scholars have been recently working together. The power relations between the societies and the academic worlds from which they come from turned out to be crucial to the research dynamics and became one of the paper’s key interests. Three main topics provide the structure of the collaborative paper: 1) the question of the authors’ positionality; 2) food as a phenomenon that is intrinsically political, and the legitimacy issues related to its study within academia and to scholars’ engagement outside it; and 3) the power and inequality dimensions of food research. The authors agree that inextricable connection of food and politics has not only an academic or theoretical dimension, but impacts the realities of people’s lives.  


2020 ◽  
pp. 7-30
Author(s):  
Ezequiel Borgognoni

In this article, I will analyse the political activity of marquise Marie Gigault de Bellefonds, ambassadress of France at the Madrid court between 1679 and 1681, by reflecting on the different diplomatic strategies implemented by her and her husband in order to gain the favour of the monarchs, particularly of the queen consort Marie-Louise of Orleans. The study of Louis XIV of France’s instructions to his ambassador and the perusal of the letters that the ambassadress sent to her friends in Paris evidence the importance of collaborative work in the marriages among diplomats in seventeenth-century court society. Moreover, our sources allow us to make visible the role of the wives of ambassadors in the pre-modern diplomatic system –a field of study in its beginning stages, but also highly promising. Who was Marie Gigault de Bellefonds? Why was she considered a dangerous individual or, as stated by Saint-Simon, «evil as a snake» at the court? Who were her main adversaries in Madrid? What was she accused of? Why did she and her husband have to leave the embassy in 1681? This research will attempt to answer these and other questions related to the presence of the French ambassadress at the court of Charles II and Marie-Louise of Orleans.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030913252093844
Author(s):  
Jouni Häkli ◽  
Kirsi Pauliina Kallio

In this paper, we propose that there is a politics of encounters centered on the body at play in seeking asylum and refuge, and that it is critical to study how it unfolds from the point of view of both governing and agency. Building on existing work that looks at the role of embodiment in the political struggles of refugees, and leaning on Helmuth Plessner’s original thinking about social embodiment, we develop a theoretical understanding of this political dynamic, illustrating how it can help us make sense of power relations and forms of governance and (latent) resistance involved in it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiona Wilkie

AbstractIn Renaissance and Restoration England, many popular plays functioned as “voyage dramas,” offering opportunities for vicarious tourism to their audiences (McInnis 2012). The theatre became one site in which to receive and negotiate information about elsewhere, at a time before mass access to travel was available. The tagline of London’s Young Vic theatre – “It’s a big world in here” – suggests that something of this spirit survives in twenty-first-century performance. It is a sentiment that we find also in the festival director Mark Ball’s assertion that “theatre is my map of the world.” But the version of the world created here is necessarily skewed by a politics of mobility (Cresswell 2010): the uneven frictions, routes, speeds, levels of comfort, and power relations affecting how theatre-makers and productions move around the world. And contemporary audiences are themselves likely to come to the theatre with multiple and unequal experiences of travel. This article asks what function contemporary voyage dramas serve in a context of the widespread mobility of people, finance, goods and ideas, and what might be the political challenges of representing travel in the theatre. It investigates the claim to authenticity, the negotiation of privilege and remoteness, and the role of the performer as mediator in theatrical travel narratives. In particular, it focuses on Simon McBurney’s solo performance


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-505
Author(s):  
Janine Bargas ◽  
Danila Gentil Rodriguez Cal

Analisa-se o papel da mulher na organização sociopolítica atual do movimento quilombola no Pará. Com base na teoria do Reconhecimento e na perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicação, argumentamos que houve um deslocamento do papel da mulher nessas lutas: das responsabilidades domésticas à liderança política. A partir dos conceitos de reconhecimento, mobilização, ação coletiva e poder e também de dados de questionários, relatórios e outros documentos, examinamos o caráter interseccional dessa atuação política. Concluímos que está ocorrendo um processo de complexificação dos lugares e dos papéis da mulher quilombola por meio do associativismo e da construção de solidariedade, das mobilizações e da atuação para ampliação dos padrões de reconhecimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Mulheres; Movimento Quilombola; Reconhecimento; Relações de Poder.     ABSTRACT It analyzes the role of women in the current sociopolitical organization of the quilombo movement in Pará. Based on the theory of recognition and intersubjective perspective of communication, we argue that there was a displacement of the role of women in these struggles: from domestic responsibilities to the political leadership. From the concepts of recognition, mobilization, collective action and power, as well as data from questionnaires, reports and other documents, we examine the intersectional nature of this political action. We conclude that is ocurring a process of complexification of the places and roles of quilombola women through associativism and the construction of solidarity, mobilizations and action to broaden recognition patterns.   KEYWORDS: Women; Quilombola Movement; Recognition; Power relations.     RESUMEN Se analiza el papel de la mujer en la organización sociopolítica actual del movimiento quilombola en Pará. Con base en la teoría del Reconocimiento y en la perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicación, argumentamos que hubo un desplazamiento del papel de la mujer en esas luchas: de las responsabilidades domésticas al liderazgo político. A partir de los conceptos de reconocimiento, movilización, acción colectiva y poder y también de datos de cuestionarios, informes y otros documentos, examinamos el carácter interseccional de esa actuación política. Concluimos que está ocurriendo un proceso de complejidad de los lugares y de los papeles de la mujer quilombola por medio del asociativismo y de la construcción de solidaridad, de las movilizaciones y de la actuación para la ampliación de los patrones de reconocimiento.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Mujeres; Movimiento Quilombola; Reconocimiento; Relaciones de Poder.  


Author(s):  
Leonardo da Silva Souza

Rabiger and Hurbis-Cherrier published a chapter whose title is related to other discussions about cinema: Who can invoke the term ‘Cut!’? To deal with a question like that, it is essential to return to the foundations that contextualize filmmaking as a political act, and not only aesthetic or technical, wich is full of colonial relations of power. Considering the colonial forces that have tensioned, and still tension the environment of work and creation in cinema, the filmmaking process can be understood through a diasporic act of imagination, which goes through procedures of work, aesthetic proposals and political contexts in which the movie lies. In this sense, the Cinema Novo in Brazil, the Modern Cinema and African cinema, present themselves as references of an independent and decolonial filmmaking that shares an act of freedom: the heterogenesis that permeates technique, aesthetic and politics. As an example, we take the role of a griot author, realizing a comparison between filmmaking and a popular figure in the caste system of African society, taking notes about the film Impasse, by Issa Saga, a short filmmaker from Burkina Faso. The term author-griot proposes political engagement, not only through thematic treatment, but also in the subversion of production modes. Thus, broadening the scope of the question posed by Rabiger and Hurbis-Cherrier, about film directing and the power of interruption delegated to the role of the director, we seek to redirect the debate, shedding light less on movie directing but more on the direction of the cinema.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-212
Author(s):  
Muhammad Umar Riaz Abbasi

This study was aimed to comparatively analyse the political thoughts of Al-Mawardi and Ibn Rushd, and their possible implications in the current Pakistani political system. A qualitative method was chosen to conduct the study and they were collected from secondary sources. Besides, content analysis was used to analyse the collected data. The role of politics considered a significant part of human’s life, since time immemorial. In terms of epistemological meaning, politics has a deep relation with power. Different kind of ordinances and law documents was collected related to public law in one place by Al-Mawardi and Ibn Rushd. No society, community, city, or even any country did not prevail, without an effective constitution or government structure. The famous scholar Ibn Rushd highlighted the political injustice and failure of the secular political laws which claimed to provide and established justice in the Islamic society. Muslims have bottomless faith in the political teachings of Islam taught by Hazrat Muhammad Mustafa (PBUH), His companions to accomplish in their communities. Al-Marwardi and Ibn Rushd School of thought, was greatly focused on the teaching of Islam in the modern world. It was recommended that there is a need for the implementation of the Islamic laws and rules in the society, to meet the laws of Islam for the prosperity of the society.


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 995-1008 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Vincent Padgett

Because Mexican politics since the Revolution of 1910–17 have operated mainly within the framework of a one-party system and because in the past strong men have sometimes occupied the presidency, writers in the United States have tended to treat the system as authoritarian. Emphasis upon presidential rule and the corollary explanation of the role of the Revolutionary Party as nothing more nor less than an instrument of presidential domination have served to create an oversimplified picture of presidential power. It is the purpose of this paper to outline at least four checkpoints on which the authoritarian interpretation seems to have involved miscalculation of the realities of the Mexican political system. The nature of membership in the “official” party, the degree of centralization within and without the party structure, the threefold role of the party within the political system, and the ideological bias of the political elite all seem to indicate the necessity of a re-evaluation of the politics of the republic on our southern border.


Author(s):  
Konrad Peszynski

This study examines the role of power and politics in systems implementation. Current literature misses the complexities involved in systems implementation through human factors and the political nature of systems implementation and is simplistic in nature. The concept of power relations, as proposed by Foucault (1977, 1978), has been utilised by the authors to identify the dynamic nature of power and politics. A case study of the implementation of an enterprise-wide learning management system at Newlands University is presented and analysed using social dramas to distinguish between the front stage issues of power and hidden discourses. Challenges for power are acted out in the front stage, or public forums between various actors. The social dramas, as they have been described here, are superfluous to the discourse underpinning the front stage. Furthermore, the enactment of policy legitimises power and establishes the discourse, limiting resistance.


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