scholarly journals THE INFLOW OF RUSSIAN CAPITAL AND INDUSTRY INTO THE BUKHARA EMIRATE IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Fayzulla Ochildiev ◽  

Beginning in the 80 years of 19th century , the Russian government and entrepreneurs began to invest in the development of protected and gray lands in the emirate, as well as in the expansion of cotton fields. It also introduced an industry related to the processing of raw cotton grown in the emirate. It also pursued a policy of relocating the military and Russian citizens to major cities in the emirate.

2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-153
Author(s):  
Konstantin A. Abdrakhmanov ◽  

Based on archival materials (reports of the Orenburg border and customs departments, orders of the military governors of the Orenburg region, letters from the injured merchants, etc.), the article considers cases of attacks of the Central Asian nomads on the merchant caravans in the early 19th century. The main means of trade and transport communication between the Russian Empire, Bukhara, Khiva and Kokand were caravans, their size sometimes reached several thousand loaded camels. At that time, the steppes that separated the Russian border from the main trading cities of Central Asia were insufficiently explored, difficult to traverse, and very unsafe. Armed nomadic groups moving along the imperial border and deep in the Kazakh steppe were a direct threat to slow-moving and poorly guarded caravans. Steppe raiders were attracted by a diverse range of valuable goods and a large number of working animals, so valued by nomadic cultures. Merchants, their clerks, and hired workers were often killed in clashes with raiders. Those Russian merchants who were robbed of their money and property sought support from the leadership of the Orenburg province and even sent messages to the central Russian government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Calderwood

AbstractThis article analyzes two accounts of the Hispano-Moroccan War of 1859–60 in light of scholarly debates about historiography, translation, and modernity in the colonial context. The first text is Ahmad b. Khalid al-Nasiri'sKitab al-Istiqsa(1895), which explores the organization of the Spanish army in an effort to understand the military technology and state apparatus behind colonial domination. The second text, Clemente Cerdeira'sVersión árabe de la Guerra de África(1917), is framed as an annotated Spanish translation of al-Nasiri's text, but Cerdeira suppresses key passages from al-Nasiri's account in order to undermine any hint that the Moroccan historian's thinking is reformist or modern. By comparing these two accounts of the same war, the article aims to situate al-Nasiri's text within the reform movements that spread through the Muslim Mediterranean in the 19th century and to use al-Nasiri's historical thinking as a model for theorizing Moroccan modernity.


Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-105
Author(s):  
Boris V. Nosov ◽  
Lyudmila P. Marney

The article is devoted to the problems of the regional policy of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century discussed in the latest Russian historiography, to the peculiarities of the state-legal status and administrative practice of the Kingdom of Poland. It was the time when basic principles and a special structure of management at the outlying regions of the empire were developed, and when special (historical, national, and cultural) regions were formed on the periphery of the Empire. The policy of the Russian government in relation to the Kingdom of Poland depended both on the fundamental trends in the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe (as reflected in international treaties), as well as on the internal political development of the empire, and the peculiarities of political, legal, social, economic, cultural processes in the Kingdom and on Polish lands in Austria and Prussia. All these aspects have an impact on the debate that historians and legal experts are conducting on the state and legal status of parts of the lands of the former Principality of Warsaw that were included in the Russian Empire in 1815 by the decision of the Congress of Vienna. The fundamental political principles of the Russian Empire in the Kingdom of Poland in the first half of the 19th century were a combination of autocracy (with individual elements of enlightened absolutism), based on centralized bureaucratic control, and relatively decentralized political, administrative and estate structures, which assumed the presence of local self-government.


Author(s):  
Elena P. Kudryavtseva ◽  

The study is devoted to the activities of the Asian Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that served as a curator of the Russia-Balkans relations in the first half of the 19th century. The Asian Department (set up in 1819) was in charge of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and church relations of Russia with the countries of the «East», and, above all, with the Ottoman Empire. Relations with the Orthodox Balkan nations - Serbs, Bulgarians and Montenegrins – remained traditionally close. This department supervised the policies related to the Balkan region, developed instructions for Russian envoys in Constantinople and Athens, stored consular reports from all over the Balkan region, and, as a result, elaborated approach of the Russian government in relations with Turkey.


Author(s):  
A.V. Zakharevich ◽  

The article is devoted to the history of the famous Kabardian Uzden (nobleman) and the Don Cossack hero of the Russian army of the era of the Napoleonic wars and the military history of the Don Cossacks of the late 18th - first half of the 19th century, General D.G. Begidov (1778-1838). The author researched the history of history and archival sources about the origin and early years of the biography of D.G. Begidov and paid the main attention to his participation in the Napoleonic wars among the Cossacks of the Ataman regi-ment under the command of the legendary Cossack hero of the Patriotic War of 1812 - Ataman M.I. Platov.


Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Zebiniso A. Akhmedova ◽  

The article analyzes the culture of Turkestan in the second half of the 19th century. The social, economic, politicaland cultural life of Bukhara during the Mangit dynasty is revealed. Clarified trade and diplomatic relations between Bukhara and Russia.On the basis of the works of Ahmad Donish, the economic and political situation in Bukhara, as well as relations with neighboring countries, are studied. The author draws attention to the military-bureaucratic colonial system of tsarism in Turkestan and reveals the reasons for the emergence of ideas of national liberation in the country. Examples are used to analyze the life of Bukhara before and after the invasion of tsarism


2021 ◽  
pp. 147-160
Author(s):  
L. I. Tsedilin

Russia and Germany use fundamentally different models of science funding. Russian government has inherited planning and distribution system’s principles in this sphere, when the development of the military-industrial complex was an absolute priority. The modern Russian model of R&D financing is also characterized by the predominance of the state research funding and insignificant business participation in R&D investment. The German model of science financing with the predominance of the business sector in the structure of investment in science shows more significant results and contributes more to the transformation of science into a real productive force. These fundamental differences directly affect the export performance of high-tech products (in Germany it is 20 times higher). The comparison of approaches to R&D financing and the results of their application lead to the conclusion that it is necessary to reform the Russian model of financing usage.


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