The Turkish Press about the Attitudes of the Bulgarian Turks and the Totalitarian Deportation Policy (1968 - 1969)

Author(s):  
Zeynep Zafer

The flow of refugees and displaced people from the present territories of Bulgaria to the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic continued more than a century. In the scientific researches the refugee problem usually is considered from the political and historic point of view, the authors basing their studies mainly on official documents, treaties and bilateral agreements, protocols and reports preserved in different archives, in which personal experiences and human stories are lacking. The memories and the impressions of victims and witnesses shared in memoirs and in the press present the most vivid, intimate and realistic human stories. Some of the popular newspapers published testimonies and papers of the eviction from 1969 - 1978 which took place in the frame of a bilateral agreement. Three series of reportages published from the beginning of 1968 to the end of 1969 testified about the realistic attitudes of the Turkish minority, the personal drama of some of its representatives (leaving or staying in the totalitarian state) in the stormiest and full of tension years of negotiation, signing and starting the limited emigration. The aim of this research is to present the public discourse in Turkey about this exodus which have not found proper place in the researches.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Jani Marjanen ◽  
Ville Vaara ◽  
Antti Kanner ◽  
Hege Roivainen ◽  
Eetu Mäkelä ◽  
...  

This article uses metadata from serial publications as a means of modelling the historical development of the public sphere. Given that a great deal of historical knowledge is generated through narratives relying on anecdotal evidence, any attempt to rely on newspapers for modeling the past challenges customary approaches in political and cultural history. The focus in this article is on Finland, but our approach is also scalable to other regions. During the period 1771–1917 newspapers developed as a mass medium in the Grand Duchy of Finland within two imperial configurations (Sweden until 1809 and Russia in 1809–1917), and in the two main languages – Swedish and Finnish. Finland is an ideal starting point for conducting comparative studies in that its bilingual profile already includes two linguistically separated public spheres that nonetheless were heavily connected. Our particular interest here is in newspaper metadata, which we use to trace the expansion of public discourse in Finland by statistical means. We coordinate information on publication places, language, number of issues, number of words, newspaper size, and publishers, which we compare with existing scholarship on newspaper history and censorship, and thereby offer a more robust statistical analysis of newspaper publishing in Finland than has previously been possible. We specifically examine the interplay between the Swedish- and Finnish-language newspapers and show that, whereas the public discussions were inherently bilingual, the technological and journalistic developments advanced at different pace in the two language forums. This analysis challenges the perception of a uniform public sphere in the country. In addition, we assess the development of the press in comparison with the production of books and periodicals, which points toward the specialization of newspapers as a medium in the period after 1860. This confirms some earlier findings about Finnish print production. We then show how this specialization came about through the establishment of forums for local debates that other less localized print media such as magazines and books could not provide.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Terézia Nagy

In my study I would like to show how the refugees’ situation, motivation and lifestyle have been criminalized in the public discourse (political, press and social public discourse) despite the fact that the Hungarian asylum procedures seem to be converging to the EU standards. I will approach the acceptance of and behaviour towards refugees in two ways: based on my experience from fieldwork carried out in diasporas in Budapest and based on my analysis of the press from the perspective of the host society. These approaches are important because my results show that socio-cultural acceptance is demonstrated almost exclusively by the diasporas even though the economic and official procedures manifest in the body of the host (Hungarian) society. I would also like to speak about the picture the Hungarian media and the government’s discourse show of people crossing the border illegally, how it raises fear and uncertainty among them. This kind of influence conveys messages which hinder fitting in in various aspects, obstruct integration, and at the same time make transnational communication among refugees stereotypical and equivocal. Consequently, ethnically or religiously homogeneous connections are getting stronger, while the importance of diasporas with weak economic, political and advocacy background is also increasing. However, the newcomers hardly ever enter the Hungarian scene.


Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell

This chapter tells the story of public speaking in Russia from the imposition of greater restrictions on the public sphere in 1867 through to the eve of Alexander II’s assassination in 1881. It shows that in this period the focus of the Russian public switched from the zemstvo to the courtroom, where a number of high-profile trials took place (and were reported, sometimes in stenographic detail, in the press). The chapter examines the careers and profiles of some of Russia’s leading courtroom orators. It also explores the activities of the Russian socialists (populists), in particular the ‘Going to the People’ movement of 1873–4 and later propaganda efforts in the city and the courtroom. It ends by considering the intensification of public discourse at the end of the 1870s: the Russo-Turkish War saw a surge of patriotic mobilization, but at the same time the populist adoption of terrorism seized public attention.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lehti

The article shows that while public discourse is claimed to be undergoing a process of conversationalisation – i.e. adopting features of casual and informal communicative situations – this process does not apply to any great extent to French politicians’ blogs. The parameters investigated in a corpus of 80 politicians’ blog posts during September 2007 are private and informal topics, and conversation-like interaction. The main focus of the study is on the minority of blogs in the material which are in fact conversationalised. These blogs are examined from the point of view of persuasion, as devices in constructing a credible image of the author. The results show that while these few conversationalised blogs construct an image of the author as an ‘ordinary’ person close to the public, the majority of the blogs create an authorial image as a remote political expert. The extent to which the construction of a lay image is successful, however, is questioned in the analysis.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dobryninas ◽  
M. Dobrynina ◽  
I. Česnienė ◽  
V. Giedraitis ◽  
R. Merkevičius

Santrauka. Kriminalinė justicija suprantama kaip socialinės kontrolės sistema, kuri per atitinkamą įstatymų leidybą, praktikas bei institucijas užtikrina nusikaltimų kontrolę ir prevenciją bei taiko poveikio priemones teisės pažeidėjams. Kriminalinės justicijos paskirtis demokratinėje visuomenėje atitinka jos narius vienijantį bendrą socialinį interesą – gyventi saugioje ir solidarioje visuomenėje, kurioje kiekvienam jos piliečiui yra užtikrinamas tinkamas saugumo lygis, paisoma jų teisių, o teisingumas vykdomas visiems vienodai ir teisingai. Nors Vakarų civilizacijos kriminalinės justicijos principams yra daugiau kaip du šimtai metų, jų įgyvendinimas visuomenėje nėra mechaninis ir priklauso nuo įvairių istorinių, kultūrinių, geografinių bei globalaus vystymosi aplinkybių. Straipsnyje, remiantis fenomenologinės sociologinės požiūriu, analizuojamos kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos konstravimo aspektai profesiniame lauke, jo sąsajos su makro (ekonomikos) bei mikro (psichologijos) socialiniais veiksniais, masinių medijų įtaka kriminalinės justicijos suvokimui visuomenėje. Atsižvelgiama ne tik į relevantiškas šiai problemai teorinius šaltinius, bet ir atliktos fokusuotų grupinių diskusijų rezultatus. Pirmame poskyryje analizuojami profesiniai teisiniai kriminalinės justicijos apibrėžimo aspektai, antrame – demonstruojami, kaip ekonominiai procesai gali keisti politinius kriminalinės justicijos tikslus. Trečias poskyris nagrinėja psichologinius veiksnius, kurie gali įtakoti paprastų žmonių sampratą apie kriminalinę justiciją. Ketvirtas poskyris pristato komunikacinius kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos visuomenėje aspektus.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kriminalinė justicija, diskursai, ekonominiai ciklai, psichologinė recepcija, masinės medijos. Keywords: criminal justice, discourses, economic circles, psychological reception, mass media.ABSTRACT  On Perceptions of Criminal Justice in SocietyThe perception of criminal justice in society is a controversial social problem. Traditionally, criminal justice issues have been treated as a matter of professional interest for criminologists, criminal justice experts and other professionals from related fields. But is expert knowledge the only valid kind when it comes to criminal justice topics? This question, though rhetorical, is aimed at stimulating discussion about the co-existence of different types of social knowledge on criminal justice, and their impact on various discourses concerning crime and punishment in society. In this article a group of researchers from Vilnius University makes use of phenomenological methods to analyse three different types of discourse on criminal justice: professional, political and public. The professional discourse on criminal justice is scrutinised from the perspective of penal law, the political discourse from the point of view of macroeconomics, while the public discourse is analysed using ideas drawn from psychology and media studies. The analysis of these discourses seeks to examine the social construction of criminal justice, and the particularities of its reception among professionals, politicians and a wider public.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 57-78
Author(s):  
Patrycja Kanafocka

Przedmiotem przedstawianego tekstu jest działalność poznańskiego kontrwywiadu w uświadomieniu zagrożenia szpiegostwem ludności cywilnej na terenie województwa poznańskiego, a także rola, jaką odegrała prasa Poznańskiego w realizacji tego zadania. Temat szpiegostwa w prasie wielkopolskiej był niewątpliwie jednym z najczęściej poruszanych w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej. Na jego popularność wpływało nie tylko szerokie zainteresowanie czytelników. Rozrastający się rynek prasowy i coraz większa konkurencja na nim powodowały, że konieczność zdobycia uwagi czytelników wymuszała koncentrację na tematach wzbudzających zainteresowanie. Zamieszczano nawet krótkie, a niepozbawione sensacyjnych wątków informacje o aresztowaniach czy podejrzeniach o szpiegostwo. Odrębną zupełnie kwestią była współpraca prasy z poznańską „Dwójką”, która, dopuszczając zamieszczanie artykułów o szpiegach i szpiegostwie, prowadziła akcję uświadamiania obywateli o grożącym im niebezpieczeństwie. Symbioza prasy i służb specjalnych przyniosła równe korzyści obydwu stronom. Dla prasy zamieszczanie interesujących opinię publiczną informacji przekładało się na liczbę czytelników i nakład, a co za tym idzie także na zysk. Służby specjalne realizowały poprzez prasę swoje cele. Edukowanie społeczeństwa było tylko jednym z nich, ważniejsze z perspektywy realizowania operacji było odwrócenie uwagi od przeprowadzanych działań kontrwywiadowczych i kierowanie jej w stronę działalności obcych służb. Spies and espionage in the Poznań press in the period 1918–1939 The subject of the article is the operation of counterintelligence in Poznań and its role in raising awareness of the danger of espionage among civilians in the Poznań region, as well as the role of Poznań press in fulfilling this task. The subject of espionage was undoubtedly one of the most frequently discussed in the Greater Poland press in the period of the Second Polish Republic. The reasons for its popularity lay not only in avid interest it aroused among the readers. The expanding press market and growing competition meant that newspapers had to draw readers’ attentions by concentrating on those subjects which the public found interesting. No matter how short the pieces information about the arrests or the suspicion of espionage were, their sensational character meant they were published. The cooperation between the press and the Poznań counterintelligence which, by allowing the press to publish articles on spies and espionage, raised awareness among the citizens on the possible dangers, is a whole separate issue. The collaboration between the press and special services was mutually beneficial. The press printed articles that were interesting from the point of view of the public, which was then reflected in the number of readers and circulation, as well as financial profit. Special services achieved their own goals. Educating the society was only one of them. From the point of view of their operations, drawing attention away from the activity of counterintelligence and towards the operation of foreign services remained more important.


Author(s):  
Natalie Naimark-Goldberg

This chapter discusses the role of personal correspondence as a vehicle for circulating ideas and opinions of enlightened Jewish women. The network of correspondence they sustained with many people in many cities in the German lands and even further afield constituted from their point of view a crucial means of participating in cultural discourse. Personal letters were an important channel through which these women could not only expand their horizons and acquire knowledge, but also demonstrate their intellectual abilities and participate in public discourse on literature, theatre, politics, and religion, among many other subjects. Thus, a study of their correspondence enables one to assess the involvement of these Jewish women in the contemporary world of culture — an involvement at times hidden from the public gaze and partly revealed in their epistles. Women also employed the epistolary form in order to participate in the intellectual activity of the Haskalah, but this happened only in a later period.


2019 ◽  
pp. 167-206
Author(s):  
Terry L. Schraeder

Physicians who participate in the media may perform an important public health service for their communities. Physicians who understand the media (and their influence) may decide to engage and work with the press to inform society on a variety of issues in medicine. Physicians have access to information and knowledge as well as experience, a perspective and a point of view valuable to the public. They have something to say and something to teach the public because they do it every day in their practice, in their profession, and with their patients. Improving their understanding of reporters’ roles, responsibilities, and professional guidelines, along with an overview of the world of medical journalism, may help reduce physicians’ anxiety and potentially help them relate to journalists and interact with the press. Physicians will want to learn important guidelines from the American Medical Association and other organizations regarding their involvement with the media, whether writing a news article or being interviewed on television. This chapter includes the “what, why, how, when, and where” regarding all of the information and advice physicians need before working with or in traditional media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Vasen

The article analyzes the signals received by social researchers in Mexico regarding the type of production expected from them in merit pay programs. The institutional public discourse embodied in official documents is contrasted with the description of the evaluation carried out by the evaluators themselves. The research is based in document analysis and semi-structured interviews to evaluators. The main conclusion of the study is that there is an asymmetry between the public discourse of the institutions and the behaviors that are rewarded in the evaluation practices themselves. While the political discourse  promotes a model of researcher committed to knowledge transfer and mobilization activities , academic evaluation practices encourage a classic academic profile. These contradictions could be explained by the ability of scientists to influence the content of policies in pursuit of their own interests. On the other hand, from the point of view of policymakers, the weight that international publications have for university rankings could exempt scientists from giving another justification for the importance of their work.


Author(s):  
Ksenia M. Shilikhina

the paper discusses the use of irony in modern public diplomatic discourse. The aim of the study is to describe the functions of irony in diplomatic communication and to show how ironic comments affect communication at the international level. The research is based on the speeches by Russian diplomats and official representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, as well as their publications and comments in social networks. Diplomatic discourse is carried out on the basis of diplomatic protocol and, ideally, should follow the requirements of explicitness, argumentativeness, and minimal emotionality. At the same time, an important property of this sphere of communication is competitiveness (agonality), which is associated with defending the interests of the state on the international level and manifests itself in the explicit competition of various points of view. The study suggests that in modern diplomatic discourse, there are frequent cases of deviations from the diplomatic protocol, when speakers use irony as a way of expressing an implicit critical assessment. Irony accompanies explicit critical assessments of events or actions of diplomats of other states and, as a rule, appears where there is an aggravation of international relations. Tactics used by the speakers to create irony make it easy for the addressee to recognize it. Since the purpose of ironic comments is to show the inconsistency of the opponents’ position, irony allows the speaker not only to express critical assessment of their statements or actions, but also to demonstrate the superiority of the stated point of view on events. Alternatively, it can be a sign of disappointment due to a diplomatic loss. In the context of intercultural communication at the state level, irony violates not only the requirements of diplomatic protocol, but also the principle of politeness, so it can be viewed as an instrument of confrontational agonality, which does not imply a constructive dialogue.


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