scholarly journals Andrey Makarychev, Russian Identities and the Idea of International Society 20 Years after the Fall of the USSR

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 118-135
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Society ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Alternative Policy ◽  
Identity Discourses ◽  
Policy Strategies ◽  
Russian Identity ◽  
Post Soviet Period

In the paper the author analyzes different Russian international identities of the post-Soviet period. Stressing that the Russian identity discourse cannot be simply reduced to the Soviet one, the paper emphasizes the plurality of Russia’s identity discourses. At the same time the menu of Russian foreign policy identities to a large extent depends upon a variety of international structures in which Russia may imagine to engage with. The paper suggests that there are four possible types (models) of the international society, which different Russian identities might be inscribed in. The author seeks to explain the range of Russian international identities by the variety of the patterns of international society which co-exist and offer alternative policy strategies for Moscow.

scholarly journals Academic Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Pacific Asia countries

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
A. A. Baykov ◽  
E. V. Koldunova
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Education Development ◽  
Higher Education Development ◽  
Current State ◽  
Pacific Asia ◽  
World Class Universities

Analysts usually consider only strategic, geopolitical, or economic aspects of Russia’s turn to the East. Humanitarian contacts and public diplomacy, including academic diplomacy, remain mainly on the periphery of research on the Asian vector of Russian foreign policy. Despite significant achievements in educational cooperation with non-Western countries during the Soviet period, after the end of the bipolar period, Russia turned to European academic diplomacy. To some extent, it helped Russia move forward in educational and research cooperation with the EU. However, it did not help remove all the stumbling blocks on Russia’s way to internationalize its education and science. Alongside interaction with Asia, which became home to many world-class universities by the 20th and 21st centuries, Russia’s cooperation with Europe has significantly lagged.Nevertheless, as the current situation demonstrates, a more proactive Russian academic and educational diplomacy in Asia is essential for successful economic cooperation and a comprehensive Russian presence in Asia. The paper, therefore, seeks to analyze the dynamics of Russian approaches to educational diplomacy, based on the qualitative and quantitative assessments to scrutinize the main trends of the higher education development in Asia and to define the current state and prospects of Russia’s educational cooperation with Pacific Asia. The paper argues that to be successful, Russia’s turn to the East must have a better-developed educational component, which considers the newest trends of higher education development at the international level. These steps are essential for keeping Russian education competitive and implementing Russian foreign policy in the current circumstances.

scholarly journals BELARUS AND UKRAINE IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD – TWO DIFFERENT MODELS OF ORGANIZATION AND POSITIONING OF THE STATE

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-34
Author(s):  
DRAGAN PETROVIĆ
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Period ◽  
Social Image ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
State Organization ◽  
Domestic Level ◽  
Russian Identity ◽  
Identity Issue ◽  
Post Soviet Period ◽  
Post Soviet Space

After the disappearance of the USSR, Belarus and Ukraine have mostly different models of state organization at the domestic level: Belarus opted for state capitalism with a social image, close to the neo-Keynesian concept with elements of socialism-social justice. Ukraine had a number of changes in that direction, but after the February coup in 2014, it fully accepted the neoliberal model, which led to additional stratification of the population, pauperization and a serious economic crisis. In the geopolitical direction, Belarus has always been firmly connected with Russia and the integration processes in the post-Soviet space led by Moscow. Ukrai-ne is internally divided on that issue, so it had a moderated participation in the inte-gration processes in the post-Soviet space. However, after February 2014 and the conflicts that followed, Ukraine turned to the western centers of power. Belarus has very little opposition in the electorate to the existing geopolitical and pro-Russian identity issue, while Ukraine remains a divided country on a number of major issues. Western centers of power, and especially Atlanticist ones, generally support every form of distance from Russia and pro-Russian identity that exists among the popula-tion and elite in Ukraine and that appears on the border in Belarus. In Ukraine, until February 2014, pluralism influenced them to channel them-selves through elections for the institutions of the system of differences of identity and interests of the regions, so the pro-Russian and Western Ukrainian options changed in power. Since 2014, the secession of Crimea, the secession of Donetsk and Lugansk, the western Ukrainian option has an advantage. Since then, the gov-ernment in Kiev has been threatening the identity survival of the pro-Russian part of the population of Ukraine, the majority in the Southeast, in an authoritarian and un-democratic way. Official relations between Ukraine and Russia are tense.

scholarly journals Influence of Turkey on the policy of neutrality and foreign policy of Turkmenistan (1995–2016)

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
Nurbibi Kh. Khudaiberdieva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
External Influence ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Status ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Two Stages ◽  
Post Soviet Period

The paper analyzes the attitude of Turkey to the policy of neutrality of Turkmenistan in the period from 1995 to 2016. Based on the geopolitical situation in the Central Asian region in the post-Soviet period, the author identifies the reasons for Turkmenistan’s adoption of a neutral status. Among the reasons for this decision by the Turkmen leadership are the deterioration of the situation in the region, the desire of the great powers and regional leaders to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, including in the energy sector, Turkey’s active position in the post-Soviet period aimed at developing political, energy, and humanitarian contacts, and the desire of The Niyazov regime to limit external influence on the country’s internal and foreign policy. The author noted the influence of the status of neutrality on the implementation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy and the attitude of Turkey to this process. In the development of Turkmenistan’s neutrality policy in 1995–2016, two stages can be conditionally distinguished: the first is 1995–2006 when the policy of neutrality bordering on isolationism, which seriously limited Turkey’s contacts with Turkmenistan; the second is 2007–2016 when the expansion of cooperation between Turkmenistan and Turkey, including in the security sphere. In the 2007–2016 Turkey sought to expand its geopolitical influence over Turkmenistan by maintaining its neutrality, which led to the formation of a close political and economic dialogue between Ankara and Ashgabat.

scholarly journals RELIGIOUS EXPANSION OF TURKEY IN TATARSTAN IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD

2016 ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
R. R. Suleymanov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Missionary Work ◽  
Big Brother ◽  
Religious Intervention ◽  
Active Policy ◽  
Huge Variety ◽  
Post Soviet Period

Turkey considers Tatarstan a sphere of its geopolitical interests in the framework of pan-Turkism concepts. With the collapse of the USSR Ankara began to pursue an active policy in the Volga region, strengthening its influence there. One of the Turkish policies towards Tatarstan became religious expansion. Islamic Jamaat of Turkey sent its missionaries to Tatarstan. This led to the fact that some Muslims of Tatarstan began to focus on Turkey and the spiritually obey Turkish sheikhs. Authorities in Tatarstan treated religious intervention of Turkey in the region favorably. The ideological rapprochement with Turkey was a part of the foreign policy strategy of Tatarstan elite that after gaining independence in the early 1990s saw in Ankara a natural ally. Turkey acted as a "big brother" for Tatarstan. The religious sphere of cooperation was seen as one of the factors bringing the two Turkic republics togather. A huge variety of Turkish islamic jamaats in Tatarstan is due to the fact that Ankara has actively supported the religious expansion in those regions that are a zone of its interests. And often those religious groups that were in opposition to the Turkish authorities inside Turkey, are supported by Ankara outside the country in their missionary work.

Russian Parliamentarism Party Model

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 245-255
Author(s):  
Rostislav F. Turovsky
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Managerial Positions ◽  
Post Soviet Period

The article is devoted to the study of the party model of Russian parliamentarism in post-soviet period. The focus is on the issues of party representation and its correlation with the distribution of the managerial positions and introduction of collective legislation at State Duma. These issues are examined from the point of view of reaching cross-party consensus and implementation of fair parliament party representation principle. According to the author Russian parliamentarism model aims at reaching full-fledged party consensus that corresponds better to the principles of popular representation than strict parliament polarization along the line of “authority-opposition”. Understanding of those issues by the majority of the players was noted from the very start of the State Duma activities, in spite of the acute conflicts in the 1990-ies.The author draws the conclusion that the equation of party representation continues to grow at the level of managerial positions in the parliament that allows to improve cooperation of the parties and to reduce authority and opposition conflicts. Thereby the Russian parliamentarism model makes an important contribution to the stabilization of socio-political situation of the country.

Basic principles of Russian foreign policy under Vladimir Putin

Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Sadeghi Elham Mir Mohammad ◽  
Ahmad Vakhshitekh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
The Moment

The article considers and analyses the basic principles and directions of Russian foreign policy activities during the presidency of V.V. Putin from the moment of his assumption of the post of head of state to the current presidential term. The authors determine the basic principles of Russia's foreign policy in the specified period and make the assessment to them. The study uses materials from publications of both Russian and foreign authors, experts in the field of political science, history and international relations, as well as documents regulating the foreign policy activities of the highest state authorities. The paper considers the process of forming the priorities of Russia's foreign policy both from the point of view of accumulated historical experience and continuity of the internal order, and in parallel with the processes of transformation of the entire system of international relations and the world order. The article notes the multi-vector nature of Russia's foreign policy strategy aimed at developing multilateral interstate relations, achieving peace and security in the interstate arena, actively countering modern challenges and threats to interstate security, as well as the formation of a multipolar world. The authors conclude that at present, Russia's foreign policy activity is aimed at strengthening Russia's prestige, supporting economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring security and implementing national interests. Internal political reforms contribute to strengthening the political power of the President of the Russian Federation and increasing the efficiency of foreign policy decision-making.

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