scholarly journals Montevideo Crisscrossed. Two Novels by Mario Benedetti: The Truce and Thanks for the Fire

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-46
Author(s):  
Pedro Serrano

This essay is a rereading of two novels by Mario Benedetti published first in Montevideo in the 1960’s and subsequently in Mexico around the 1970’s, receiving changing receptions over the years. Both have Montevideo as their setting, but the topographical perspectives and writing strategies are different. It traces the networks of writers, publishers and readers in Latin America developed during the 20th century and their obliteration by the military regimes in the 1970’s. Reviewing the fluctuating moods in Benedetti’s later reception, this essay compares opposite sets of aesthetic values developed during the second half of the last century, which are taken for granted even today, studying their initial hypotheses and showing how literary works are distorted by prejudiced sets of critical perspectives that pigeonhole works and authors in boxes established in advance.

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
"Mónica Bruckmann ◽  
Theotonio Dos Santos

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.


Refuge ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 69-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary A. Barbera

Military regimes throughout Latin America used a variety of tactics to instill terror in the population. In the case of Chile, the military dictatorship used torture, assassination, disappearance, exile and relegación, or internal exile, in its quest to weaken social movements and control social and economic processes. This article will discuss the effects of relegación on the families and communities that the relegados left behind, drawing on human rights literature and interviews of persons in the Santiago shantytown of La Pincoya.


Ratio Juris ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
José Fernando Valencia Grajales ◽  
Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano ◽  
Juan Carlos Beltrán López

Since the time of independence, the military has permeated politics by controlling the most important positions of the respective Latin American governments, these influences have caused a series of direct influences on the political, economic, cultural and social conception of the states. Directing the mythical-political referents accepted or formal, with a tendency to the right or conservatism-religious to the detriment of others, generating socio-political reactions against from a reactionary or raised in arms. But these responses from the left have provoked dictatorial political or military responses. The methodology used for the present analysis is based on critical historical construction, critical discourse analysis and normative and political hermeneutics, which will allow us to show the influence of the military within countries, as well as policy interference Exterior.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Calvo

In a book which has circulated rather widely in Latin America (Lieuwen, 1960), it was stated that, with the passage of time, Latin American military men would intervene less and less in politics. This was not an altogether mistaken belief, considering that in 1961 Paraguay was a “military island” in a sea of Latin American civilian governments. Today the situation has radically changed in many ways. On the one hand, more than half the population of Latin America lives under military regimes; on the other, military domination has a different cast: it is no longer a caudillo who takes over, but the armed forces, which have institutionalized their access to the government. Linked to the foregoing is the emergence of an authoritarian ideological platform—the military call it a doctrine of national security—which provides the armed forces with the necessary rationale for their political activities.


1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Baines

This paper examines the nature of the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP) to Latin America and the historical development of the Military Assistance Program in the hemisphere. It further analyzes this program with regard to the two major criticisms levelled at it:(1)that Military Assistance Programs have perpetuated “militarism” in the form of military coups and strong-man military regimes; and(2)that Military Assistance Programs have encouraged large military forces where they are not needed.Changes in U.S. policy toward Latin America are noted as they affect MAP—i.e., the shift in U.S. policy from one of fostering hemispheric defense to one of promoting internal security and economic development. Finally, an assessment of the impact of this change in U.S. military assistance policy forms the conclusion of this paper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roman-Gabriel Olar

The use of repressive strategies by authoritarian regimes received a great deal of attention in the literature, but most explanations treat repression as the product of domestic events and factors. However, the similarity in repressive actions during the Arab Spring or the intense collaboration in dissident disappearances between the military regimes of Latin America indicate a transnational dimension of state repression and authoritarian interdependence that has gone largely understudied. The article develops a theory of diffusion of repression between autocracies between institutionally and experientially similar autocracies. It proposes that the high costs of repression and its uncertain effect on dissent determines autocracies to adjust their levels of repression based on information and knowledge obtained from their peers. Autocracies’ own experience with repression can offer suboptimal and incomplete information. Repression techniques and methods from other autocracies augment the decisionmaking regarding optimal levels of repression for political survival. Then, autocracies adjust their levels of repression based on observed levels of repression in their institutional and experiential peers. The results indicate that authoritarian regimes emulate and learn from regimes with which they share similar institutions. Surprisingly, regimes with similar dissent experience do not emulate and learn from each other. The results also indicate that regional conflict does not affect autocracies’ levels of repression.


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