Roundtable discussion: Organising cleaners in the context of Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-163
Author(s):  
Heather Wakefield ◽  
Helen O’Connor ◽  
Marjorie Mayo ◽  
Jonathan White

People working as cleaners represent a substantial part of the modern British working class. Low-paid, often part-time, disproportionately female and, more recently, from black and minority ethnic and migrant communities, this workforce has historically been seen as hard to organise. Yet the Covid-19 crisis has elevated the status of cleaning as a key part of maintaining public health. In this article, trade union organisers with experience of working with cleaners discuss the possibilities of the current conjuncture for effecting a step change in both unionisation and the reconstruction of public services.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Aswindar Adhi Gumilang ◽  
Tri Pitara Mahanggoro ◽  
Qurrotul Aini

The public demand for health service professionalism and transparent financial management made some Puskesmas in Semarang regency changed the status of public health center to BLUD. The implementation of Puskesmas BLUD and non-BLUD requires resources that it can work well in order to meet the expectations of the community. The aim of this study is to know the difference of work motivation and job satisfaction of employees in Puskesmas BLUD and non-BLUD. Method of this research is a comparative descriptive with a quantitative approach. The object of this research are work motivation and job satisfaction of employees in Puskesmas BLUD and non-BLUD Semarang regency. This Research showed that Sig value. (P-value) work motivation variable was 0.019 smaller than α value (0.05). It showed that there was a difference of work motivation of employees in Puskemas BLUD and non-BLUD. Sig value (P-value) variable of job satisfaction was 0.020 smaller than α value (0.05). It showed that there was a difference of job satisfaction of BLUD and non-BLUD. The average of non-BLUD employees motivation were 76.59 smaller than the average of BLUD employees were 78.25. The average of job satisfaction of BLUD employees were 129.20 bigger than the average of non-BLUD employee were 124.26. Job satisfaction of employees in Puskesmas BLUD was higher than non-BLUD employees.


Urban History ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Sigsworth ◽  
Michael Worboys

What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.


BMJ Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. e048042
Author(s):  
Andrew Hayward ◽  
Ellen Fragaszy ◽  
Jana Kovar ◽  
Vincent Nguyen ◽  
Sarah Beale ◽  
...  

IntroductionThe coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has caused significant global mortality and impacted lives around the world. Virus Watch aims to provide evidence on which public health approaches are most likely to be effective in reducing transmission and impact of the virus, and will investigate community incidence, symptom profiles and transmission of COVID-19 in relation to population movement and behaviours.Methods and analysisVirus Watch is a household community cohort study of acute respiratory infections in England and Wales and will run from June 2020 to August 2021. The study aims to recruit 50 000 people, including 12 500 from minority ethnic backgrounds, for an online survey cohort and monthly antibody testing using home fingerprick test kits. Nested within this larger study will be a subcohort of 10 000 individuals, including 3000 people from minority ethnic backgrounds. This cohort of 10 000 people will have full blood serology taken between October 2020 and January 2021 and repeat serology between May 2021 and August 2021. Participants will also post self-administered nasal swabs for PCR assays of SARS-CoV-2 and will follow one of three different PCR testing schedules based on symptoms.Ethics and disseminationThis study has been approved by the Hampstead National Health Service (NHS) Health Research Authority Ethics Committee (ethics approval number 20/HRA/2320). We are monitoring participant queries and using these to refine methodology where necessary, and are providing summaries and policy briefings of our preliminary findings to inform public health action by working through our partnerships with our study advisory group, Public Health England, NHS and government scientific advisory panels.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146879412110347
Author(s):  
Imane Kostet

This article aims to contribute to the literature on power dynamics and researchers’ positionality in qualitative research, by shedding light on the experiences of a minority ethnic researcher with a working-class background. Drawing on Bourdieusian concepts, it discusses how middle-class children confronted the researcher with language stigma and how they, while drawing boundaries vis-à-vis those who ‘lack’ cultural capital, (unintentionally) drew boundaries against the researcher herself. In turn, it illustrates how during interviews with working-class children, manners had to be adopted with which the researcher is no longer familiar. This article calls on ethics committees to more strongly consider how researchers might become ‘vulnerable’ themselves during fieldwork and to acknowledge intersectional experiences that potentially cause power dynamics to shift, even in research involving groups that are socially believed to have little power, such as children.


1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. 318-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Gruberg ◽  
Virginia Sapiro

In the late sixties, women in the United States became sensitized to their second-class status and organized to raise their consciousness and change their conditions. At the same time women in academia began to organize within their disciplines to address the problems they faced there. Political science was no exception; in 1969, when women constituted 5 percent of the membership of the APSA and 8 percent of all political science faculty teaching in colleges and universities, the APSA Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession and the Women's Caucus for Political Science formed. Numerous reports have revealed a moderate increase in the presence of women in the profession in recent years. As Table 1 shows, the percentage of degrees in political science awarded to women has increased since 1970. By the academic year 1976–77 women constituted 11 percent of full-time faculty and 18 percent of part-time faculty. Twenty-three percent of the students entering Ph.D. programs in 1977 were women, a downturn of 3 percent from the previous year, although an overall rise from the previous decade.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 729-730
Author(s):  
W. S. CRAIG

A lecturer in Diseases of Children was first appointed in 1921 and later given the status of part-time professor in 1927. Some 19 years later (1946) the part-time chair in Diseases of Children was replaced by a whole-time chair in Pediatrics and Child Health. The formation of a university department began with the establishment of a whole-time chair. Departmental staff, other than secretarial, consists of the professorial head, his deputy, who has the status of lecturer, and three tutors. Of the tutors, one holds a resident appointment in a maternity hospital.


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard T. Conlon

Review of the literature on public health services shows that virtually no information is available on how the state-supported networks of STD clinics now function, what the possibilities are for achieving efficiency in service delivery, or the implications of local, state, and federal funding and staffing changes. This article describes models of STD services now offered and thus allows one to project impending changes in the public health STD clinic system. The description includes a brief recount of how the imposition of HIV testing and counseling has taxed clinic resources and has sharpned the need for more efficient, technology-supported management. The status of federal staff is also summarized, with consideration of how decreases in staff will affect partner notification, the cornerstone of traditional STD-clinic-based services. Data on clinic function and staffing trends frame suggestions for the placement of computer technology in the system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Gasparri ◽  
Peter Ikeler ◽  
Giovanna Fullin

We investigate trade union strategies in fashion retail, a sector with endemic low wages, precarity and a representation gap. Unions in Milan organized ‘zero-hours contract’ workers, while their counterparts in New York established an alternative channel of representation, the Retail Action Project. We argue, first, that the dynamics of both cases are counterintuitive, displaying institution-building in the USA and grassroots mobilization in Italy; second, union identity stands out as a key revitalizing factor, since only those unions with a broad working-class orientation could provide an effective representation for fashion retail workers.


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